V-James VIII, vol. 3 of The Edinburgh History of Scotland, Gordon Donaldson, gen. ed. (Hong Kong: Wilture Enterprises, 1965), 366.
41. Currie, Churches and Churchgoers, 27.
42. Woolverton, Colonial Anglicanism, 53.
43. Arthur Lyon Cross, The Anglican Episcopate and the American Colonies (New York: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1902), 21.
44. Brydon noted that the Virginia colonists reached a compromise with Cromwell’s commissioners. The commissioners allowed the colonists to continue to use the Book of Common Prayer for one year, provided that they omitted the royal prayers. Brydon assumed that the colonists used the prayer book even after the expiration of the year. Campbell noted that Barbados clergy followed a direction from Cromwell’s fleet and surrendered their Books of Common Prayer, but suggested that “they probably kept other copies.” See Brydon, Virginia’s Mother Church, 1:122; and P. F. Campbell. The Church in Barbados in the Seventeenth Century (St. Ann’s Garrison, St. Michael, Barbados: Barbados Museum and Historical society, 1982), 60.
45. See Fischer, Albion’s Seed, 229–31 for a discussion of individuals who were kidnapped and sold into indentured servitude. See Edward B. Rugemer, “The Development of Mastery and Race in the Comprehensive Slave Codes of the Greater Caribbean during the Seventeenth Century,” William and Mary Quarterly 70 (July 2013): 435–36 for a discussion of the Irish prisoners-of-war whom Oliver Cromwell sent to Barbados in 1656.
46. Fischer, Albion’s Seed, 28, 227; Philip D. Morgan, Slave Counterpoint: Black Culture in the Eighteenth-century Chesapeake and Lowcountry (Chapel Hill: Published for the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Virginia, by the University of North Carolina Press, 1998), 8; and Rugemer, “The Development of Mastery and Race,” 433, 437.
47. Rugemer, “The Development of Mastery and Race,” 433.
48. The Barbados slave code of 1661 may have been the first to use the term slave as a synonym for enslaved African. In Bermuda the term slave does not appear regularly in legal documents until the 1680s. See Bernhard, Slaves and Slaveholders in Bermuda, 1616–1782 (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1999), 50; and Rugemer, “The Development of Mastery and Race,” 438.
49. Morgan, Slave Counterpoint, 5–6, Fischer, Albion’s Seed, 278.
50. Bernard Lewis, Race and Slavery in the Middle East. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 48–49.
51. Karen Ordahl Kupperman (ed.), Captain John Smith: A Select Edition of his Writings (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press for the Institute of Early American History and Culture, 1988), 52–55, 75.
52. Morgan, Slave Counterpoint, 8–9.
53. The European exception was a Damian Pecke who agreed in 1654 to a 99-year indenture. Twelve of 118 blacks who appear in indentures and deeds (1636–1661) in Bermuda had terms of service ranging from seven to thirty years. See Bernhard, Slaves and Slaveholders in Bermuda, 51.
54. Rugemer, “The Development of Mastery and Race,” 433.
55. Anthony S. Parent, Jr., Foul Means: The Formation of a Slave Society in Virginia, 1660–1740 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press for the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, 2003), 243.
56. Bernhard, Slaves and Slaveholders in Bermuda, 51.
57. Pettigrew estimated that the company transported 150,000 enslaved persons between 1672 and the early 1720s. See William A. Pettigrew, Freedom’s Debt: The Royal African Company and the Politics of the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1672–1752 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press for the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, 2013), 11, 22–23.
58. Rugemer, “The Development of Mastery and Race,” 429–30, 438, 451.
59. Parent, Jr., Foul Means, 112–13, 115.
60. Carolina did not initially follow the example of Virginia in excluding Native Americans from permanent servitude. While the South Carolina slave act of 1691 was based on precedent from Jamaica, it altered the Jamaica act in one important way; it added “Native Americans” to the category of those that were treated as in perpetual servitude. It should also be noted that the Virginia legislation, interpreted as excluding Native Americans from perpetual servitude, contained an ambiguity. It specified servants who “come by land” should serve a twelve-year indenture, and that children should serve until the age of thirty. Not all enslaved Native Americans came by land; however; the English sometimes took Native American prisoners of war by ship to other colonies away from their homes to limit the possibility of escape. See Kathleen M. Brown, Good Wives, Nasty Wenches, and Anxious Patriarchs: Gender, Race, and power in Colonial Virginia (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press for the Institute of Early American History and Culture, 1996)., 136; Parent, Foul Means, 113–14; and Rugemer, “Development of Mastery,” 452.
61. Richter, Before the Revolution, 265–74.
62. Morgan, Slave Counterpoint, 15.
63. Bernhard, Slaves and Slaveholders in Bermuda, 52, 62.
64. Rugemer, “Development of Mastery,” 446–47.
65. Pettigrew, Freedom’s Debt, 11.
66. Campbell, Church in Barbados, 115–16.
67. Morgan Godwyn, The Negro’s and Indians Advocate, Suing for their Admission to the Church: or A Persuasive to the Instructing and Baptizing of the Negro’s and Indians in our Plantations. Shewing, that as the Compliance therewith Can Prejudice No Man’s Just Interest; so the Wilful Neglecting and Opposing of it, is no Less than a Manifest Apostacy from the Christian Faith. To which is
