in comparison with that of Russia or the USA, it is significant in terms of China’s military power within Asia and South-East Asia. China’s unannounced testing of an anti-satellite missile on an ageing weather satellite in January 2007 is also significant. Military specialists noted that it involved the successful interception of an object travelling on a similar trajectory, and at a comparable speed to that of an inter-continental ballistic missile. China has become increasingly keen to play a part on the world stage, with around 2,000 troops, engineers and medical staff involved in peacekeeping missions around the world during 2008, including UN and African Union missions in Sudan. It has also, however, been criticized for its sale of arms to developing countries, in particular to the Sudanese government.
see also page 106
Copyright © Myriad Editions Limited
18
MILITARY POWER
19
China’s government manages the country’s international relations both through its alliances and negotiated positions with overseas powers, and by taking into account its people’s far-reaching ambitions and passionate nationalism. As China’s overall position in the Asia–Pacific region strengthens, and it develops its economic interests in Africa and Latin America, so its relations with former world powers and the fragile economic “giants” of the USA and Europe become more volatile. The USA, in particular, retains deep suspicion of Chinese intentions, and the Chinese people are also ambivalent about the USA and its attitudes to them. Originally seen by some as a source of freedom, or simply the fount of capitalist leadership, the USA is now also recognized as a competitor that does not necessarily respect China’s government or domestic policy, and which actively fears its expansion in the Pacific region. Taiwan remains a thorn in the side of smooth relations between these two major powers. The other major issue of contention is human rights. The Chinese government attributes the discourse of human rights to Western liberalism, and individualism, and anti-Chinese aggression, whereas most in the developed West understand the concept as the cornerstone of internationals standards and democratic process. This is a bugbear of international relations and mutual comprehension for both parties.
see also page 106
Copyright © Myriad Editions Limited
20
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
21
Chinese outward migration over the centuries has created some strong overseas communities. The history of Chinese outward migration is complex, but the reasons why people migrated in the 18th and 19th centuries – as indentured laborers, traders, and for education or adventure – still hold true today. Long-term Chinese residency and trade are symbolized in the Chinatowns of major cities such as London, San Francisco, Paris, Havana, and in the ordinary “Chinese” suburbs in other, less famous, places. There are Chinese communities, not only in the heavily populated countries of Europe and South-East Asia, but also in tiny Pacific island nations such as Papua New Guinea, Vanuatu, and the Solomon Islands. In most of these communities, people of different generations of migration have vastly uneven levels of “Chinese” identity, and varying access to and knowledge of Chinese languages, of which there are several in common use. In the US census, Chinese, Japanese, Filipinos and others are categorized as “Asian-American”. There are strongly felt arguments about what this means and whether or not the terminology is helpful. The present rise of the Chinese economy has attracted return migration, and also a flow of inward investment from overseas Chinese into mainland businesses.
see also page 106
Copyright © Myriad Editions Limited
22
CHINESE DIASPORA
23
“It is easier to find Chinese-ness rooted in history than in the shared qualities among people known as Chinese.” Wang Guangwu
Part Two PEOPLE IN CHINA
China has a huge population and a vast landmass. For many years, this single fact has been the most significant characteristic of both its potential and its challenge. Yet, any understanding of China must also take into account particular sectors of the population: its minority ethnic peoples, its class divisions, and its rural and urban split – those people who dominate the policy agenda and those who are under-represented in the ideological management of the nation’s future. Research into China is usually premised on the differences between rural and urban living – an approach encouraged by the data published in the annual China Statistical Yearbook and in the registration system for residency in different zones. This dichotomy between the urban intelligentsia and the peasantry has a long history and although it is now being challenged by mass inward migration to the towns and cities, it is still true to say that the majority of poorer Chinese are rural, and that privilege is mainly confined to metropolitan areas. In the past 15 to 20 years more attention has been paid to the differences between China’s provinces, which are important units of experience, economy and culture. They are also relevant in central planning mechanisms, which are increasingly mapped across macro-regions. At the 2008 11th National People’s Congress, Premier Wen Jiabao affirmed that the development strategies in the western provinces would be strengthened, with a focus on social support as well as industrial investment. The Premier’s National People’s Congress speech, always crucial to understanding policy directions, also emphasized that rural family planning would be more tightly monitored and that disincentives to have more than one child would be relaxed. This indicates that the problem of gender preference in seeking abortions, and in the differential care of babies born in poor households, has been noted by the government. Gender issues are high on the agenda for many organizations for a number of related reasons. Chinese girls have very uneven expectations within society, depending on their birthright. Educated and well-off families give a daughter great moral and financial support in order to further her education and future career prospects. The poor and ill-educated are more likely to give up on their daughter’s prospects because of poverty, a culture of preference for male interests, or both. Where young rural women are in short supply, this leaves them vulnerable to abuse, and physical danger. Many migrate to the cities and towns for work. These girls generally end up working in factories, as maids (baonü), or
