15, 26; Miracles of Cosmas and Damian 13.
210. Beyond references to the eucharist and sanctuary see the unique reference at Sophronius, Miracles 68.6 [Marcos 391], in which the saints prescribe to a patient the repetition of “a certain written psalm of those sung in their honor.” It is telling, however, that in contrast to the Miracles of Cosmas and Damian 7, where psalmody suffices to heal, here Cyrus and John also prescribe a little cake (pastellon). For other scattered (but rare) references to ritual see Marcos (1975) 33–39.
211. Leontius of Neapolis, Life of John the Almsgiver 49 [Festugière 398f.].
212. For the suggestion Déroche (1995) 125.
213. This literal centrality is also remarked upon in Csepregi (2006) 109.
214. Cf. Booth (2009).
215. See Van Dam (1993) 89–105 on the miracles composed by Gregory of Tours; and esp. Moreira (2000) 134. On the clerical monopoly of the holy in the West, in contrast to the East, see P. Brown (1971) 95 and (1976).
216. On the potential modification of praise for the saints under pressure from clerical authorities see also Déroche (2000) 164, with n. 71.
217. See also Déroche (2000) 164, who notes also Sophronius’s attempts to include the eucharist within his scheme. Maraval (1981) 393 claims also that Sophronius “seeks to elevate the tone” of the genre.
218. For the critique of wealth within the text see esp. Sophronius, Miracles 24, but also 6.2, 21.5, 69.5. On the saints as lovers of the poor see ibid. 46.5, 56.1. On this theme see also Maraval (1981) 392; Déroche (2006); Holman (2008). Despite Sophronius’s rhetoric, all miracle collections imply that the rich were given preferential treatment at incubatory shrines (by being allowed to sleep closer to the saints’ tombs); see Miracles of Cosmas and Damian 21; Sophronius, Miracles 24.4; Miracles of Artemius 17.
219. For the international flavor of the saints’ clientele see Sophronius, Miracles 51.1, with Montserrat (1998) 274–76. For international visitors see also Leontius of Neapolis, Life of John the Almsgiver 1.
220. Nor, it should be said, is that inclusive vision particular to the genre, for it can be contrasted, for example, with the Miracles of Thecla, where the saint’s clientele is also elite (pace Dagron [1978] 73–79). See, e.g., Miracles of Thecla 13, 15, 18–20, 30, 35–40, 42–44. The sole named poor supplicant within the text must even be assimilated to his superiors before he can be cured; see ibid. 23 [Dagron 348]: “For even if this man was counted among the poor and the artisans, he was nevertheless judged worthy of a miracle by the martyr and counted by her as equal in rank to the most powerful and far-famed.” Cf. also John of Thessalonica’s Miracles of Demetrius, in which named supplicants are always of significant social status (clerics, bureaucrats, et al.); see Skedros (1999) 115–20; and, on the shrine’s iconography, ibid. 97–100, 147; Cormack (1985) 78–94.
221. See Sophronius, Miracles 12.7 [Marcos 266].
222. For these heresies see, respectively, Sophronius, Miracles 12.6, 12.11, 12.17, 36.7, 37.4.
223. For the reference to Chalcedon see ibid. 39.5, with more text preserved in the Latin at PG 87:3, 3574A (also mentioning the council). Schönborn (1972) 66 n. 47, and Flusin (1992a) 65, both note the (comparatively) moderate stance in this period. On the doctrine of the text see also Maraval (1981) 389; contra Montserrat (2005) 231.
224. Sophronius, Miracles 39.11 [Marcos 338].
225. The main sources for these events are Ps.-Sebēos, History 33–34; Anonymous Chronicle to 724 [Brooks 146]; Theophanes, Chronicle A.M. 6099–6105; Agapius, Universal History [Vasiliev 450]; Michael the Syrian, Chronicle 10.25, 11.1; Anonymous Chronicle to 1234 92. For the narrative in greater detail see, e.g., Stratos (1968–78) vol. 1, 103–7; Foss (1975) and (2003); Flusin (1992b) vol. 2, 67–83; Kaegi (1973) and (2003) 67–78.
226. Sophronius, Miracles 69.2 [Marcos 391f.]. In this light we should also note the reason stated for the papal librarian Anastasius Bibliothecarius’s translation of the Miracles of Cyrus and John into Latin: that Sophronius was a fine example of resistance to “the rulers of the Christian world” (cited in Neil [2006b] 54).
3
Moschus and the Meadow
To move from Sophronius’s Miracles of Cyrus and John to the Spiritual Meadow of John Moschus is to step into another world: from the hustle and bustle of an Alexandrian cult to the stillness of the Eastern deserts, from the complexities of the mundane to the simplicities of a world rendered black and white, and from the high-minded rhetoric of the sophist to the simple koinē of the monk. The differences in presentation are nevertheless deceptive, for the reader will discover fundamental strands of shared interest: like Sophronius’s Miracles, Moschus’s Meadow questions the relation of asceticism to the sacramental structures of the Church; like the Miracles, it insists on strict adherence to Chalcedonian doctrine as the basis for spiritual endeavor; and like the Miracles again, it seeks to extend the demands of ascetic virtue to Christians of all vocations.
Конец ознакомительного фрагмента.
Текст предоставлен ООО «ЛитРес».
Прочитайте эту книгу целиком, купив полную легальную версию на ЛитРес.
Безопасно оплатить книгу можно банковской картой Visa, MasterCard, Maestro, со счета мобильного телефона, с платежного терминала, в салоне МТС или Связной, через PayPal, WebMoney, Яндекс.Деньги, QIWI Кошелек, бонусными картами или другим удобным Вам способом.
