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SUTHEP STEPS UP
Former Democrat Party Secretary-General Suthep Thaugsuban quickly became a figurehead and spokesperson for the anti-government protesters, and later formed the People’s Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC). Fearing that the present government was so corrupt that any elections or attempted reforms would be rejected or dealt with unfairly, he called for Yingluck to be ousted in favor of installing an unelected people’s council. His aims were dismissed, mainly by outside foreign and international observers, as fanciful and unrealistic. Despite this, Suthep and the protesters, clad in merchandise emblazoned with the Thai flag, continued marching every day, whistles blowing. Donations were collected, often by Suthep himself, which went to cover the cost of providing food and water for the faithful. Protesters set up camp on the streets and even in Lumphini Park and there were regular concerts and speeches to boost morale.
In December 2013, Yingluck dissolved the House of Representatives and scheduled a general election for February 2014. She ignored plans to step down in the interim, maintaining that it was her duty to continue to lead the country as a caretaker prime minister.
DON’T VOTE FOR DEMOCRACY
In the run up to election day, February 2, anti-government protesters called on the Thai people not to vote and on the day itself blocked many polling stations, preventing people from voting. They feared that despite all their whistle blowing, the vast majority of Thais (in the rural north of Thailand at least) would go ahead and vote in a party that was sympathetic to the Red Shirt (Thaksin Shinawatra) cause and all the marching and blowing of whistles would have been for nothing. It was a minor victory for the PDRC but not for democracy, as the elections were nullified in March. This enraged pro-government supporters and there were numerous Red Shirt protests held in retaliation, mainly in the north. As the weeks progressed, there were also mounting rumors that the protesters might be heading to Bangkok. In the meantime, skirmishes between protesters and riot police in the capital had turned violent, leading to 28 deaths, including those of two child protesters. Each group blamed the another and accused the police of siding with the opposing faction.
IT’S NOT A COUP (REALLY...)
Something had to be done. In May 2014, following six months of protests, Yingluck and nine other ministers were removed from office by the Constitutional Court. A few weeks later, martial law was imposed under a law promulgated by King Rama VI almost a hundred years earlier to the day.
Like many generals before him, General Prayut Chan-o-cha, Commander of the Royal Thai Army, launched a coup d’état against the caretaker government. The junta was known as the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO).
From the outset, General Prayut was quick to point out that what was taking place was not a military coup in the traditional sense of the word and there would be no violence. In fact, he stated that the coup was launched to prevent the kind of violence that was being seen at that time in Ukraine. Many Thais and visiting foreigners seemed to agree, with some posing for pictures with bemused soldiers holding machine guns.
HAPPINESS FESTIVALS
Throughout the month of June 2014, the Royal Thai Army staged a number of ‘Happiness Festivals’ in the capital, including at the highly symbolic site of the Victory Monument, popular with protesters past and present, with the aim of restoring happiness to the people. Activities included music concerts, free movie screenings, a petting zoo, free haircuts, free meals and even a sexy coyote performance.
Apart from a few tourists intent on obtaining a soldier selfie, there were many more who were wary of the political situation in Thailand and visitor numbers plummeted.
The Tourism Authority of Thailand hit upon the idea of promoting Martial Law Tourism, stating that, in fact, the country was now safer than ever, what with soldiers, machine guns at the ready, guarding the streets.
Following the murder of two British backpackers in late 2014, the Thai Tourism Minister stated that she had another idea to ensure the safety of the country’s visitors: every single one of them would be asked to wear a wristband containing a serial number that corresponded with their ID, which would work much like a sort of rudimentary tracking device. It was met with a mixture of incredulity and ridicule and the idea was soon dropped. A curfew for tourists was another idea that was quickly dismissed.
From July 2014 onwards, the sight of soldiers in the streets became less and less common and life returned to as normal as it has ever been for the Thai people.
Despite the ‘it’s not a coup’ claims, a curfew was swiftly imposed from 10 am to 5 pm, which quickly had the desired effect of removing the protest camps that were sporadically placed throughout the capital and elsewhere in the country, regardless of color.
BACK TO ‘NORMAL’
Once the coup was imposed and the country was, for the twelfth time, under military rule, Thailand began to return to a sense of military normalcy that almost every generation since 1932 had experienced at one time or another. Suthep shaved his head, joined the monkhood and disappeared from public view for the next few months, while Yingluck went abroad to catch up with her brother. Towards the end of the year, however, she began to be spotted at glitzy events in the capital. The good times weren’t to last, however. In January 2015, Yingluck, despite no longer being in office, was impeached and banned from participating in politics for five years.
The NCPO had cleared the streets and seemed to have been successful in reminding the two warring factions about what really mattered. All that remained was to try to convince the general public that they were doing the right thing. And so began the Happiness campaign in June 2014.
HARDLINE POLITICS
Although the NCPO initially said that it was their ultimate intention to hold elections in the latter part of 2015, when Prime Minister Prayut would step down, the former general also hinted on a number of occasions, especially on his weekly Friday night TV address, Kuen Kwam Suk (Returning Happiness), that this would only be the case if he thought that the government and Thai society were in a stable enough position for him to do so.
Although martial law was finally lifted in April 2015, it was quickly replaced with the invocation of Article 44 from the interim constitution. Commonly referred to as ‘dictator law’, it gave Prayut absolute power to override any branch of government as long as such actions were done in the name of national security.
Prayut, Suthep and Thaksin were front page news for much of 2014 and 2015.
Protestors changed tack, from anti-Shinawatra to anti-coup, in 2014.
THE LAND OF PLENTY
Once touted as a land of plenty because of its rich, varied and abundant agricultural products, Thailand is still able to make such claims, albeit in a slightly more corporate and less romanticized rural way. It continues to have one of the lowest levels of unemployment in the world.
The story of the Thai economy really began to change pace, along with its main characters, when King Rama V, in an attempt to sidestep the sort of bloodshed seen during the American Civil War, abolished slavery and serfdom in 1905. From then onwards, opportunities were available not
