The Philadelphia Negro,-p. 127.
14. For observations of similar patterns in Chicago, see Allan H. Spear, Black Chicago: The Making of a Negro Ghetto, 1890-1920 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967).
15. See Allen F. Davis and Mark H. Haller, eds., The Peoples of Philadelphia: A History of Ethnic Groups and Lower-Class Life, 1790-1940 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1973).
16. Of course, he revisits this theme a few years later in The Souls of Black Folk (1903).
17. Herbert Blumer, “Race Prejudice as a Sense of Group Position,” Pacific Sociological Review 1,1 (1958): 3–7.
18. See Thomas Pettigrew, ed., The Sociology of Race Relations (New York: Free Press, 1980).
19. E. Franklin Frazier, The Negro Family in the United States (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1939); Black Bourgeoisie (Glencoe, IL: Free Press, 1957).
20. St. Clair Drake and Horace R. Cayton, Black Metropolis: A Study of Negro Life in a Northern City (New York: Harper and Row, 1962).
21. William J. Wilson, The Declining Significance of Race: Blacks and Changing American Institutions (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980); The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner City, the Underclass, and Public Policy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987).
22. See The Souls of Black Folk.
23. Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma (New York: Harper, 1941).
24. Daniel Patrick Moynihan, The Negro Family: The Case for National Action (Washington, DC: Office of Policy Planning and Research, U.S. Department of Labor, 1965)-
25. U.S. National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (Kerner Commission), Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (New York: Bantam Books, 1968).
26. Andrew Hacker, Two Nations: Black and White, Separate, Hostile, Unequal (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1992).
27. DuBois considers this group in more detail in an essay entitled “The Talented Tenth,” reprinted in The Negro Problem (New York: Arno Press and New York Times, 1969), pp. 31-75.
28. See Ernest Burgess and Robert E. Park, The City (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1925); Gerald Suttles, The Social Order of the Slum (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968); Elijah Anderson, Streetwise: Race, Class, and Change in an Urban Community (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990).
29. See Douglas S. Massey and Nancy A. Denton, American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993).
30. See Gertrude Ezorsky, Racism and Justice: The Case for Affirmative Action (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1991).
31. See Theodore Hershberg et al., “A Tale of Three Cities: Blacks, Immigrants, and Opportunity in Philadelphia, 1850-1880,1930,1970,” in Theodore Hershberg, ed., Philadelphia: Work, Space, Family, and Group Experience in the 19th Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981), pp. 461-91.
32. See Frazier, Black Bourgeoisie, Bart Landry, The New Black Middle Class (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987).
33. See Wilson, The Declining Significance of Race, The Truly Disadvantaged; Anderson, Streetwise.
34. See Massey and Denton, American Apartheid.
35. See Elijah Anderson, “The Code of the Streets,” Atlantic Monthly (May 1994).
36. The Philadelphia Negro, pp. 302-3.
37. See John D. Kasarda, “Urban Industrial Transition and the Underclass,” in William Julius Wilson, ed., The Ghetto Underclass: Social Perspectives (Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications, 1993), pp. 43-64; and David T. Ellwood, “The Spatial Mismatch Hypothesis: Are There Teenage Jobs Missing in the Ghetto?” in R. B. Freeman and H. J. Holzer, eds., The Black Youth Employment Crisis (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), pp. 147-85.
38. The Philadelphia Negro, pp. 355-58.
39. See Gerald D. Jaynes and Robin M. Williams, Jr., A Common Destiny: Blacks and American Society (Washington, DC: National Academy Press, 1989), and Wilson, The Truly Disadvantaged.
THE PHILADELPHIA NEGRO.
__________
CHAPTER I.
THE SCOPE OF THIS STUDY.
1. General Aim.—This study seeks to present the results of an inquiry undertaken by the University of Pennsylvania into the condition of the forty thousand or more people of Negro blood now living in the city of Philadelphia. This inquiry extended over a period of fifteen months and sought to ascertain something of the geographical distribution of this race, their occupations and daily life, their homes, their organizations, and, above all, their relation to their million white fellow-citizens. The final design of the work is to lay before the public such a body of information as may be a safe guide for all efforts toward the solution of the many Negro problems of a great American city.
2. The Methods of Inquiry.—The investigation began August the first, 1896, and, saving two months, continued until December the thirty-first, 1897. The work commenced with a house-to-house canvass of the Seventh Ward. This long narrow ward, extending from South Seventh street to the Schuylkill River and from Spruce street to South street, is an historic centre of Negro population, and contains to-day a fifth of all the Negroes in this city.1 It was therefore thought best to make an intensive study of conditions in this district, and afterward to supplement and correct this information by general observation and inquiry in other parts of the city.
Six schedules were used among the nine thousand Negroes of this ward ; a family schedule with the usual questions as to the number of members, their age and sex, their conjugal condition and birthplace, their ability to read and write, their occupation and earnings, etc. ; an individual schedule with similar inquiries; a home schedule with questions as to the number of rooms, the rent, the lodgers, the conveniences, etc. ; a street schedule to collect data as to the various small streets and alleys, and an institution schedule for organizations and institutions ; finally a slight variation of the individual schedule was used for house-servants living at their places of employment. 2
This study of the central district of Negro settlement furnished a key to the situation in the city ; in the other wards therefore a general survey was taken to note any striking differences of condition, to ascertain the general distribution of these people, and to collect information and statistics as to organizations, property, crime and pauperism, political activity, and the like. This general inquiry, while it lacked precise methods of measurement in most cases, served nevertheless to correct the errors and illustrate the meaning of the statistical material obtained in the house-to-house canvass.
Throughout the study such official statistics and historical matter as seemed reliable were used, and experienced persons, both white and colored, were freely consulted.
3. The Credibility of the Results.—The best available methods of sociological research are at present so liable to inaccuracies that the careful student discloses
