Hastening Toward Prague. Lisa Wolverton
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Dukes may have granted similar privileges for the Jewish and Romance-speaking communities in Prague mentioned here. The claim in the document, that Soběslav was merely affirming a custom already established by his grandfather Vratislav (r. 1061–92), rings true: Cosmas reports that his predecessor Spitihněv (r. 1055–61)had summarily expelled all Germans from Bohemia, and thus it would not be surprising to find that they sought, and Vratislav granted, more clearly enumerated rights when they or others returned.69 The practice of granting special jurisdictional rights to non-Czech communities is attested even earlier: Cosmas says that Břetislav I transplanted a group of conquered Poles to Bohemia in 1039, at their request, “establishing for them one man from among them as prefect and judge, and decreed that both they and their descendants should forever live under the law which they had had in Poland.”70
The privilege makes no reference to the customary “law of the land” and provides only the barest clues about what its norms might have been—that witnesses were sworn to testify before judges; that trespass, counterfeiting, and especially theft carried heavy penalties; that mitigating circumstances were recognized, whether in favor of the accused or the victim. It does, however, show the exercise of ducal jurisdiction, specifically stipulating that the duke should decide cases of homicide and certain instances of theft. It may be that the duke simply held special jurisdiction in and around Prague or specifically over foreign communities. However, evidence of ducal jurisdiction over capital crimes surfaces in other documents in which property is declared to have been acquired by the duke from men whowere hanged.71 More fundamentally, it was for the duke to give these jurisdictional rights to the Germans’ judge, to reserve certain decisions to himself, and to prejudge particular circumstances. The duke not only granted these privileges, he must also have been the sole authority ensuring their enforcement.
No cases involving peasants, free or unfree, are recorded to indicate whether ordinary people had access to the duke’s justice. Cosmas, in an anecdote he uses to prophesy the death of Spitihněv, relates that on his way to war the duke was approached on the road by a widow who asked him to vindicate her against her adversary. When he tried to put off her case, she asked whom he would send to vindicate her if he did not return from the campaign. According to Cosmas, “immediately, at the petition of a single widow, he interrupted the expedition and vindicated her against her adversary by a just judgment.”72 Since Cosmas follows this with an injunction to “modern princes” not to neglect the defense of widows and orphans, a common trope of good Christian rulership, this story can hardly be admitted as proof that the duke’s jurisdiction was accessible to any Czech who asked for it. On the other hand, Gerlach of Milevsko reports that Soběslav II was such a just judge that he was commonly called the “prince of the peasants” because he defended the claims of the poor against the magnates and rendered judgment without respect to person.73 Since Gerlach’s point is to emphasize Soběslav’s particular zeal, it was probably not common for dukes to put peasants before the more powerful men of the realm. Yet even if “prince of the peasants” was meant with irony or as outright ridicule, it must argue that, whatever the practical obstacles, no legal impediment existed to prevent the lowest freemen and women from appealing to the duke.
The privilege granted the Prague Germans includes a clue about procedure: cases were initiated when brought to the attention of the duke’s chamberlain, who made some decision about venue before they went before the duke. About this same time, first ca. 1170 and regularly thereafter, the iudex curiae appears in witness lists among other court officers, although his precise function is unknown.74 The few actual suits described in charters, however, reveal that controversies between lay or ecclesiastical magnates were not decided by the duke and his servants alone. In the dispute over Němoj’s grant to the chapter of Vyšehrad, the old charter was read aloud before the duke and his court.75 The chronicles report the same. In 1130, when Soběslav I got wind of a plot to assassinate him, he called “three thousand” men, “noble and ignoble,” to Vyšehrad for the interrogation and sentencing of those involved.76 The duke possessed jurisdiction over the important men of the realm, but their fellow magnates could expect to be present and consulted when such matters arose. Concerning lands exchanged with and then denied by the sons of Slavek, Hartmann of Miřkov avowed: “But producing witnesses, from the law of this land I obtained my right before the king and all the princes of the land.”77 In important cases, not merely the duke but the “princes of the land” were also present.78
More than any other right, jurisdiction was explicitly associated with rulership. The need for respected persons who could solve disputes was seen, by Cosmas at least, as a natural political development, and it was the belief that such judges needed the power to enforce their decisions which, in the tale of Libuše and Přemysl, led to the appointment of the first Czech duke.79 That jurisdiction could be a formidable, and easily abused, basis for power is expressed in Libuše’s own admonition to the Czechs. Her speech seems to voice the worry that the duke would be the sole arbiter of the law, standing virtually above it. Yet Hartmann pressed his case not merely before the duke but according to “the law of the land.” The phrase ius terrae appeals to a law recognized among the Czechs, founded