First City. Gary B. Nash

Чтение книги онлайн.

Читать онлайн книгу First City - Gary B. Nash страница 5

First City - Gary B. Nash Early American Studies

Скачать книгу

just studied American history, get confused about whether the American Revolution preceded or followed the Civil War. In 2000 Congress committed $50 million to cure an abysmal recollection of the nation’s past (according to a study that differs little from a similar assessment conducted in 1940) without an intelligent discussion of how history has been taught in the past, without a consideration about how the management of memory has been roundly contested, and without a moment’s thought about how the average citizen will use a memory of the past—which memory?—to bring about specific outcomes in the world’s largest democracy. Nor have researchers been able to reach firm conclusions about exactly how memory is implanted: By school textbooks? By movies, radio, and television? By tales told by elders around the dining room table? By Colonial Williamsburg, Sturbridge Village, Plimoth Plantation, Valley Forge, and hundreds of other historic sites? By historical novels and popular biographies? Or by Disneyland? My objective in this book is to explore how institutional elites, often challenged by Philadelphians far beneath them in social station, tried to cultivate historical memory. But the task of determining exactly what was remembered in a populous, diverse, and changing Philadelphia awaits another historian who has at hand a methodology not yet invented.

Image

      This is a Philadelphia story as it unfolds over more than two centuries. No city’s history is the same as any other’s, and certainly none is quite like Philadelphia’s. But William Penn’s “green country town” is a particularly appropriate place to study the contest over historical memory because the city was so closely associated with the nation’s founding, revolution, and nation building, all rich subjects for historical memory. In addition, memory-making in Philadelphia is unusually fascinating because it has been complicated by the city’s rich variety of ethnic, racial, and religious groups, often mutually antagonistic, often remembering the past differently. Fitting the pacifist and influential Quakers, the largest and most important free black population in post-revolutionary America, and the nineteenth-century waves of Irish Catholics and eastern European Jews into a unified and unifying history has been an exquisite challenge for myth-makers at the city’s elite institutions.

      While Philadelphia has its own narrative and its own fascinating cast of storytellers, remembering history is not unique to Philadelphia. It is shared by every community that produces, consumes, and markets history.18 Therefore, this book presumes to provide a model for examining the process of memory-making: how particular people with vested power reconstructed the past through collecting, narrating, and interpreting; how that history was presented to the public; and how individuals and groups outside the circle of cultural arbiters tried to gain a claim on the past by resisting “official” truth and telling different stories. As in most other cities, deep inequalities in how Philadelphia society functioned were paralleled by inequalities in the official historical narratives. But in the Quaker city, as in other communities, the mantle of legitimacy could not prevent subordinate storytellers from trying to break through layers of silence. Not all the world is Philadelphia, but in every site of human habitation the process of constructing memory has proceeded in ways this study hopes to make clear.19

      In the pages that follow, the reader will find an abundance of images. I have chosen them with three purposes in mind. Some of the images are chosen because they evoke a sense of the character and rhythm of urban life in different eras in ways that often elude textual materials. Others convey how Philadelphia imprinted itself on the minds of artists, lithographers, and photographers, who turned their impressions into collectible views of the city, whimsical or sardonic scenes meant to entertain, or frankly propagandistic vehicles commissioned by those exercising one kind of power or another. Finally, still other images depict a variety of sources, drawn from material culture as well as paper-based archives, that have helped historians in recent years to uncover chapters of Philadelphia’s hidden past. Taken together, the range of images is also meant to carry forward the message of what it means to collect the documentary, artifactual, and artistic records of the past. I have paid more than casual attention to the captions accompanying the images, because it is here that I tell much of the story about how and when a particular piece of the past found its way to a collecting institution. Part of that account is about the vagaries as well as the priorities that explain just what the scholar or curious citizen, in search of a piece of the past, can find today when entering the doors of the Library Company, the Athenaeum, the Historical Society, the Atwater Kent Museum of Philadelphia History, the Philadelphia Museum of Art, and a host of other institutions. Every institution has collecting priorities and policies, which have changed over time, but assembling historical materials has depended at least as much on what appears on one’s doorstep as on what one chooses to collect.

      Just as people have seen their history through different lenses—depending on who they are, their reasons for consulting historical accounts, and what experiences, ideas, and values they bring to the act of looking backward—every article of material culture and every scrap of written language is susceptible to variant interpretations. The meaning of the Declaration of Independence and the intention of its authors are argued as strenuously today as two hundred years ago. Chairs, dolls, samplers, trade cards, paintings, lithographs—even photographs—all speak to us in a variety of ways, and their meaning and value to the collector or curator change with time, sometimes dramatically. Some of the artifacts portrayed in the following pages, such as the image of Washington on a pitcher or a Civil War battle scene, were created at particular historic moments to influence the way people thought about the past. Others—a tall-case clock or a decorated fireman’s parade helmet—were not created for pedagogic or political use but have enabled historians and curators in our own times to recapture parts of the past otherwise undisclosed in textual materials. With this in mind, the meaty caption accompanying each illustration is meant to lean on the ingenuity of Philadelphia’s quintessential eighteenth-century citizen, Benjamin Franklin. Printer Ben invented bifocal glasses for people who needed their vision adjusted so they could see the world clearly in both short and long perspectives. In this book, I am engaged in something similar—asking readers to gaze bifocally sometimes trifocally in order to see the past as it was experienced differently by Philadelphians of various stations in life; to see how our understanding of bygone eras depends partly on what historical materials were collected, preserved, and exhibited; to look at artifacts, documents, and paintings from different angles of vision. The text of what follows ought to make some sense without the illustrations, and the illustrations, without text, should give new perspectives on the past. But word and image, like pie and ice cream, are meant to be savored together.

       Chapter 1

      PIECES OF THE COLONIAL PAST

      Pennsylvania was the product of Quaker beliefs and aspirations, and Philadelphia became its pulsebeat on the banks of the Delaware River. “I have obtained [Pennsylvania] that an example may be set up to the nations,” wrote William Penn, its founder, in 1681.1 Penn hoped that his colony of diverse settlers would show a strife-ridden world a new formula for living. Adept promoter as well as revered defender of persecuted Quakers, he attracted settlers from England, Ireland, Wales, and continental Europe with policies of religious toleration, pacifism, and fair treatment for all.

      But the fertile Delaware River valley where Penn was to plant his “seed of a nation” already had inhabitants. For at least 12,000 years before Penn and the Quakers arrived, the area had been inhabited by distant ancestors of the Lenape (later to be called Delaware). Europeans had encountered the Lenape at least as early as 1609, when the Dutch sailed into Delaware Bay, and more intensely after 1624, when a small group of Dutch settlers occupied Burlington Island in the Delaware River. Over the next half century the Dutch, Finnish, Swedish, and English settlers traded and mingled with the Lenape. Thus, Penn built his colony amid small settlements of both native and intruding peoples. Penn may never have realized that his open-door policy toward a variety of immigrants would undermine the peaceful Indian relations he vowed to put into effect (see Figure 4).

      Every

Скачать книгу