to accusation #33, the Talmud declares that anyone who fasts is a sinner:
“And all who fast are considered sinners.” This is read in Seder Mo’ed, in the first chapter of Tractate Ta’anit, where it is said: Samuel said: “Whosoever sits in fast is called a sinner, since we read this about the Nazarite: ‘And make expiation on his behalf for the guilt that he incurred through the corpse.’” And we read that Eleazar haKappar said: “What does ‘And make expiation’ mean? Against which soul did he sin? It means that [he incurred guilt because] he denied himself by abstaining from wine. Certainly we can reason, inferring from a minor assertion to a major one, that if this man who only denied himself wine is called a sinner, how much the more so one who denies himself enjoyment of ever so many things.59
This allegation is an almost verbatim citation from Tractate Ta’anit 11a in the Babylonian Talmud. However, a close reading of this passage in its original context quickly reveals that the pope and his counsel, Nicholas, were quoting selectively. This talmudic discussion continues with Eleazar taking the opposite position by claiming that one who fasts is holy, which concurs with the stance that the pope ascribes to Christianity.60
Why was this talmudic quotation (albeit taken out of context) inserted in this papal communiqué? Chen Merchavia reads its inclusion as a protest against a perceived attack on Christian fasting customs, especially those practiced by monks, whose position was seen by Christians as analogous to the biblical Nazarites. The charge that the Talmud equates fasting with sin was meant to highlight the absurdity of Jewish practice as exemplified by the Jewish miscomprehension of this key Christian ritual. This claim also provided an opportunity, in the spirit of Jerome, to condemn Jews of being excessively materialistic and, as a result, unable to put their spiritual interests over their carnal needs.61 In that cultural environment, the inclusion of an accusation against the alleged Jewish condemnation of fasting in a papal writ stresses the significance of fasting as a spiritual and tangible mode of devotion to God. In order to contextualize this accusation, let us turn to the Jews of medieval Ashkenaz to examine the role of fasting in their religious practice.
Jewish Fasting in Medieval Europe
The influence of the late antique heritage of fasting in Jewish communities seems to have faded somewhat over the centuries that followed, for the Ge’onim did not emphasize the value or practice of fasting. While ge’onic writings indicate that major fasts were maintained, consistent with earlier generations of the Babylonian schools of thought, they prohibited fasting on the Sabbath and other holidays, especially prior to Rosh haShanah and on a second day of Yom Kippur. Fasting an additional day for Yom Kippur was a late antique custom that was often reproved but that persisted throught the medieval period. Judai Ga’on (d. 761) notes that this period is known as the “Ten Days of Repentance” (aseret yemei teshuvah), not the “Ten Days of Fasting.” He questions what might have inspired a tendency to fast during these days. Similar views are attributed to Hai Ga’on (d. 1038).62 Nevertheless, these opinions represent points on a spectrum that extended from endorsement of fasts to discouragement from this practice, and it is evident that some people did fast during these times.63 As for fasting on the Sabbath following bad dreams, the Ge’onim condoned the practice only after truly menacing ones.64
These heterogeneous stances toward fasting in Babylonian sources may explain why the lists of fast days that have reached us from the ge’onic period are less elaborate than their medieval parallels.65 These distinctions should not be mistaken for a claim that medieval Jews living in Islamic societies did not fast; however, Jewish fasting practices in Muslim lands deserve consideration within their cultural context as well as a detailed comparison to Muslim practice, a topic for future consideration.
As we shift our focus from Babylon to Europe, it is important to acknowledge that medieval Ashkenazic Jews were well aware of Babylonian halakhic trends and instructions.66 In her recent book Lama tzamnu? (Wherefore have we fasted?),67 Shulamit Elizur traces the history of Megillat Ta’anit Batra. This text first appeared in eighth-century Babylon under the title Sefer Halakhot Gedolot; it was copied widely then ultimately renamed and appended to Megillat Ta’anit. Megillat Ta’anit Batra enumerates fasts that were observed on dates that Jews have historically associated with biblical events (e.g., the deaths of Miriam, Aaron, Moses, and Joshua) and on post-biblical milestones, such as the day when the Greek translation of the Bible was completed. Elizur focuses on textual transmission rather than actual or presumed practices. Even though this list originated in early medieval Babylon, it is significant that it was copied and circulated most extensively in twelfth- and thirteenth-century Ashkenaz; indeed, custom books from medieval Ashkenaz attest that at least some of these fasts were observed.68
Although our earliest (eleventh century) sources from Ashkenaz bear no mention of widespread fasting, as other scholars have remarked, many prominent community leaders and scholars from that time in both Germany and northern France describe fasting as a regular component of their annual observances. Most notably, Rashi’s teachers, Judah b. Barukh (eleventh century) and Isaac b. Eliezer haLevi (ca. 1000–1080) in Worms, fasted for two days in observance of Yom Kippur, a practice that the Ge’onim had discouraged.69 Other leading German rabbis, such as the twelfth-century scholars Eliezer b. Joel haLevi (Ra’aviah) and his younger contemporary, Judah the Pious, also fasted for two days of Yom Kippur. Ra’aviah wrote about individuals who abstained from meat for the three-week period before the fast on the Ninth of Av, more than doubling the normative nine-day restriction.70 We have additional evidence of leading twelfth-century rabbis in northern France who fasted regularly.71 Isaac b. Samuel of Dampierre (known as R”I, ca. 1100–ca.1178) is known to have fasted almost every Sunday, Monday, and Thursday, as well as on personally selected days;72 Isaac b. Joseph of Corbeil was also known for his asceticism. At critical times in the year, such as the Sabbath before Yom Kippur, some texts suggest that only prominent scholars were qualified to fast.73
These intensive fasting practices linked to the Jewish calendar—such as fasting on the Sabbath, on Rosh haShanah, on two days for Yom Kippur, throughout the Ten Days of Repentance, for the fast of the firstborn preceding Passover,74 and during the months of Av and Elul75—all have late antique precedents. In medieval Ashkenaz, the fasting practices that Babylonian authorities sought to curtail seem to have emerged with renewed rigor.76 For example, Eleazar of Worms explained that fasting on Rosh haShanah was commendable since it was inappropriate to feast when the Lord’s table was empty. His comment suggests that fasts were food for God, recalling the sacrificial dimension of fasting we noted above.77 In the late thirteenth century, Samson b. Tzadok exclaimed wistfully: “If only all of Israel would fast on Rosh haShanah!”78 Medieval Ashkenazic rabbis were supporting practices that were commonplace in late antique Palestinian texts, even though Babylonian sources were in greater circulation in Germany and northern France.79
Figure 5. Prayers for Monday and Thursday fasts. © The Bodleian Libraries, Oxford University. MS. Mich. 569 (1098), fol. 49a. Siddur, thirteenth century.
The inventory of fasts related to the annual calendar provided a baseline to which individual and ritual fasts were added. Whereas Jews in late antiquity fasted Mondays and Thursdays80 as part of their supplication for rain, medieval European Jews in northern France and Germany modified that practice to fasting on Mondays and Thursdays during Iyar and Heshvan, which reflects the lesser dependence on seasonal rains in their locales.81 In addition, the medieval Ashkenazic pattern of fasting also included the whole month of Elul and the Ten Days of Repentance (forty consecutive days).82 Moreover, fasting on Mondays and Thursdays during the shovavim (designated weeks in winter) became customary in medieval Ashkenaz.83 This practice was ritualized by a blessing that was recited on the Sabbath prior to a Monday-Thursday-Monday fasting series: “May the One who blessed
