Remaking the Rust Belt. Tracy Neumann
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The lesson Caliguiri took from the Mexican War Streets was that neighborhood-based redevelopment could occur without extensive financial or institutional commitments from the city government. The reduction of state and federal community development funds in the 1970s, particularly for housing, meant that the nonprofit sector and CDCs would have to play an increasingly important role in planning, developing, and securing financing for neighborhood-based housing, recreation, and commercial district improvement projects. Caliguiri invoked the rhetoric of partnership and self-help that was becoming increasingly prominent in national discourse about cities under the Carter administration when he informed residents that the city’s future depended on “the individual” and that “the job is far beyond government alone, it requires a partnership.”69
Pittsburgh’s research universities also played an important role in Renaissance II. The University of Pittsburgh and Carnegie Mellon partnered with the state government and local industry to attract advanced technology enterprises. Such partnerships helped state and local officials realize their desires to establish high-tech industry while advancing the universities’ expansion plans and bolstering efforts to improve their national rankings. Entrepreneurial university presidents—Carnegie Mellon president James Cyert and University of Pittsburgh chancellor Wesley Posvar (both longtime Allegheny Conference members)—encouraged their institutions to provide services-for-hire to both the public and private sectors.70 Under Cyert and Posvar, both universities collaborated with local firms to take advantage of state funding for advanced technology research and to attract federal funds for such undertakings as a robotics institute, software design center, and supercomputing site.71
Like the redevelopment partnership forged by Lawrence and the Allegheny Conference in the urban renewal era, Caliguiri’s growth partnership became an international model for postindustrial urban regeneration at the end of the twentieth century. In 1988, Pittsburgh hosted a conference on “Remaking Cities,” which brought together public officials, developers, and civic leaders from the United States and the UK to share their strategies for confronting industrial restructuring and creating postindustrial cities.72 In the 1980s, Bilbao’s public officials invited experts from Pittsburgh to Spain to discuss their experiences with industrial restructuring. One outcome of the visit was the inauguration of formal and informal exchanges between Pittsburgh, Glasgow, Lille, the Ruhr region, and Bilbao, circuits that were well worn by the 1990s. Policy tourists between the cities participated in workshops with public officials and business leaders, training exchange programs, and study tours.73 Pease, after his 1991 retirement from the Allegheny Conference, served as a consultant on urban redevelopment projects in Japan, India, Ireland, and the UK.74 Canadian cities, too, remained interested in Pittsburgh’s redevelopment tactics. Despite fundamental differences between the political and institutional frameworks governing public policy, Hamilton, like other declining North Atlantic manufacturing centers, emulated Pittsburgh’s postindustrial rebirth and the partnership behind it, with very different results.75
Slouching Toward Partnership in Hamilton
When Pete Flaherty took office in 1970, Pittsburgh’s first Renaissance and the partnership that facilitated it had just wound down; across the border, however, Vic Copps’s redevelopment efforts in Hamilton had finally begun to pick up steam. Copps had already inaugurated an urban renewal program intended to create a new civic square, but federal and provincial wrangling over urban and economic development and the province’s subordination of Hamilton’s commercial district to Toronto’s meant that the project was by no means guaranteed to succeed. Yet, as early as 1972, city officials congratulated themselves for the “ambitious programs” underway “to shed [Hamilton’s historic] role and develop strong commercial and cultural sectors.” Their plans included establishing a secondary commercial and industrial district on previously undeveloped urban land and a downtown building program tailored to the perceived needs of corporate headquarters and financial institutions. That year, Toronto’s Globe and Mail ran a feature on Hamilton’s downtown facelift, noting that the city’s “building plans for the Nineteen Seventies are directed toward reshaping Hamilton as the business and cultural focus for more than a million residents of Southwestern Ontario.”76 Copps aggressively promoted a postindustrial vision of the city, but Hamilton lacked a public-private partnership through which to realize his plans.
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