When the Spaniards left the Philippines, Santa Tomas University had long been established, while for all the inlanders of the Dutch East Indies there were only the Inlandsche Kweekschool [Native Teachers’ Training School] and the School tot Opleiding voor Inlandsche Bestuursambtenaren [Training School for Native Civil Servants] that could be considered institutes of higher learning.57 But in spite of the advances the Spaniards had made when Uncle Sam arrived, illiteracy in the Philippines was widespread. America wiped it out through an organized plan of action: the number of universities was increased to five, and secondary schools, technical and trade schools were established throughout the Philippines.58 The standard of living was raised by increasing the wages of workers. A porter at the wharves in Manila could earn about three pesos a day (one peso = f. 0.85), while the workers at the cigar factories in Manila could earn three to six pesos a day. In nearly all cities, small and large, and even in many villages, one could see modern schools, hospitals, and electrical plants. Many of the sugar, cigar, hemp, and inter-island domestic shipping concerns were in the hands of Filipinos themselves. Even the railways were Filipino-owned.59
In 1915 (?) a bicameral legislature was instituted in the Philippines.60 There was not one American seated in either house, and nearly all administrative functions were in the hands of Filipinos. As in education, so also in the administration: each year the number of American advisers and heads was decreased according to plan, and the number of Filipinos in charge increased. It can be said that the Filipino people held internal power. According to John’s Law, when the Filipino people were capable of maintaining a stable government, full independence would be granted to them by America.61
But we must not look only at the good, at the real progress made in education, social welfare, justice, and standard of living, and politics, economics, and culture. The semi-victorious revolution of 1898-1901 was not able to eliminate all evils, and remnants of the ills suffered under Spanish rule continue to affect Philippine society to this day.
[141] The power of the large landholders at the time of the revolution was not diminished under American rule.62 In several areas of Luzon island, and in the Visayan provinces, the situation of the rural proletariat was extremely depressing. The conflict between landholders and poverty-stricken peasants in those areas was not alleviated. Wage increases accorded by American imperialism were accompanied by increases in the cost of living. Neither the House of Representatives nor the Senate, whose members were principally landholders and members of the bourgeoisie, wanted or were able to put an end to the unrest there. The workers and peasants were unable to win seats in the Congress and, just as in America itself, Philippine democracy functioned only for the wealthy.
While in domestic matters the Filipinos really did have some power, they had no authority at all in external affairs. Every channel to the outside world—trade, diplomacy, defense, immigration, and finance—was controlled by the Americans through the governor general in Manila. The capitalist system, which appeared liberal when viewed superficially, resulted in the channeling of Philippine products into the American market, which was open to them whether they were owned by Filipinos, Chinese, or Americans. Products such as tobacco, sugar, and hemp were able to compete with American goods since Filipino workers were paid less than their American counterparts, either in America proper or in Hawaii and Cuba. But Philippine goods would not have been able to compete with Indonesian goods on the Chinese market, for example. The wages earned by Filipino workers were, on the average, higher than those received by Indonesian workers, and so the cost-price of Philippine tobacco, sugar, or hemp was higher than that for comparable goods from Indonesia. For this reason, Philippine products were tied to the American market, which was open to exports from its protectorate but which imposed heavy import duties on goods from other countries.
[142] A result of the tying of Philippine exports to the American market was that, in order to establish a balance of trade, the Philippines was compelled to import American goods such as machinery, autos, pharmaceuticals, and electrical equipment. And this meant, first, that American banks and transport enterprises had a monopoly of Philippine goods directed toward the Philippine market, giving a complete monopoly of Philippine export and import trade to American bankers and traders.63 A second result of this arrangement was that such industries as machinery, chemicals, and electrical equipment could not develop in the Philippines. Although it is said that its iron resources exceed those of China or India in both quantity and quality and that other minerals to form alloys (nickel, gronium, bauxite for aluminum and so on) are plentiful, heavy industry has not yet been able to appear in the Philippines.64 Industry is nipped in the bud and never develops to the stage of steel and heavy industry.65 The University of the Philippines is capable only of churning out thousands of lawyers (abogado) who, due to their excess number, are forced to work as horse-and-cart drivers (cuchero). The third result of the economic ties forced onto the Philippines by Uncle Sam over a period of fifty years is that the “political independence” later granted as a mark of American “goodwill” is an empty independence, filled by the Americans with loans and atom-bomb bases, supposedly to protect the independence of the Philippines.66
The iron hand of Spain produced people of steel like Rizal, Bonifacio, and Mabini, who were able to bring about the destruction of Spanish imperialism. But the rubber hand of American imperialism produced leaders who, even if let fall by their makers, will bounce right back into their hands. The Philippines, whose independence was proclaimed by America in 1946, was forced to accept money and atom bombs from America immediately after it became independent.
The above picture was drawn from my impressions of some twenty years ago, when I was fortunate enough to obtain information from young and old. But it is clear that the picture does not have its finishing touch, has many weaknesses, and could be improved here and there. I shall leave that task to future historians who shall have more opportunities and more definite information.
I have forgotten to state what pushed me into going to the Philippines in the first place. It was the climate, which I hoped would restore my health. Finally, with treatment from doctors and the aid of the climate, my health was partially restored. However, a call from the movement in South Indonesia caused me to cut short my efforts to regain my health completely.
[143] At first I intended to give only a brief outline of what forced me to go to Singapore in spite of my continued ill health. Because of the slanders being broadcast right and left, and the back-stabbing being engaged in by several people, including Alimin, I am forced to add a little (?) to previous explanations.67 As before, I shall only be defending myself. I consider that all persons, even those in jail, have the right to combat slander. As the proverb goes: “Words should be answered and blows returned.”68 I hope, then, that I shall not exceed my intention of adding this explanation solely in order to defend myself and repulse the slander and lies being spread behind my back.
After being in Manila several months, I received a letter from Alimin, who asked me to help him come to the Philippines. He felt that the Dutch were about to arrest him. He wanted to stay with me and deepen his knowledge, and I was happy at the thought of living with him. I had met him on two occasions since I had been exiled, and I was looking forward to this third time since I knew he was sociable and cheerful and that he had considerable experience in the (Sarekat Islam) movement.69 I discussed this question with friends in the Philippines so that we could make the appropriate secret arrangements. Remember that I myself was living illegally in the Philippines and might have been arrested at any moment.
In short, Alimin finally arrived safely in the Philippines and was able to stay with friends of mine. After some time the first letter arrived from Singapore, calling me back to assist in obtaining “equipment” in connection with the Prambanan decision.70
I considered that decision to be incorrect for the following reasons:
1. It was taken hurriedly, without careful consideration;
2.
