in factories, across industrial areas, and ultimately all over South Africa.
The torrent of worker militancy had, in its raw spontaneity, much in common with the direct action Fantasia considers necessary for the exercise of real union power. It is only when workers act independently of established collective bargaining practices and engage in direct action that they form new associational bonds that serve as the basis for social movements. Workers were not bound by institutionalised bargaining arrangements, and thus had the freedom to stage militant actions which drew in others in ever widening circles. There was a new confidence and determination to take control of their working lives. With every action, and each successful outcome, workers were further empowered to develop innovative methods of struggle to overcome obstacles.
Strikes, which alerted unorganised workers to the presence and power of unions, were central to the upsurge. In factories such as Sigma and BMW in Rosslyn, B&S in Brits, Alusaf in Richards Bay and Kempher in Isithebe, action served as bridgeheads into new areas.
Even in remote rural areas with little tradition of labour activism, workers were ripe for unionisation. While they were subject to diehard management regimes, they were able to draw on high levels of worker and community support and dedicated leadership in maintaining unity, often in protracted trials of strength. Workers were drawn from adjacent communities which were characterised by a close-knit dependency and a reliance on these small industrial zones for limited job opportunities. The need to solicit solidarity was often not necessary. This unconditional support gave these struggles an independence and self-sufficiency that was not as evident in urban struggles where workers were drawn from disparate communities.
The countrywide mobilisation of metal workers also had a wider political significance. Through the organisation of clusters of workers across the country around similar concerns, the union made deep incursions into the apartheid divide and rule landscape. Workers were divided from each other in workplaces, hostels, townships, regions, decentralised zones and Bantustans in the apartheid state’s attempts to shore up racial capitalism and white domination. Naawu and Mawu’s national mobilisation was a direct challenge to this splintering of working communities.
These disputes also fuelled a new locus of power evidenced in a growing political consciousness. This awareness was expressed when workers experienced their exploitation at work on a continuum with their political oppression. Industrial action had shifted worker issues beyond the factory and into communities and, in the case of the pension strikes, into negotiations with capital and the state.
Common to most disputes were high levels of unity which at times transcended ethnic divisions, and formidable levels of loyalty to the union accompanied by immense personal sacrifice. News of such struggles aroused other workers to reach similar levels of militancy which had the effect of showing the potential of cementing these unions into national industrial centres of power. A remarkable amount had been achieved in a short time.
Workers, however, still mainly experienced their solidarity at an individual factory level, and sometimes at an industrial area level. The challenge now facing the unions was how to mobilise workers in the metal sector around national demands in order to effect changes to the entire industry.
Конец ознакомительного фрагмента.
Текст предоставлен ООО «ЛитРес».
Прочитайте эту книгу целиком, купив полную легальную версию на ЛитРес.
Безопасно оплатить книгу можно банковской картой Visa, MasterCard, Maestro, со счета мобильного телефона, с платежного терминала, в салоне МТС или Связной, через PayPal, WebMoney, Яндекс.Деньги, QIWI Кошелек, бонусными картами или другим удобным Вам способом.
