with wild life management, whether as game preservers, conservationists, pest controllers or farmers. This chapter attempts to set out some of the basic principles with pertinent examples, but these same principles will emerge in later sections in various guises. Our knowledge of the subject was first collated and clearly enumerated by Dr D. Lack (1954) in a stimulating book The Natural Regulation of Animal Numbers since when more field studies have been made by various workers, which Lack (1966) has summarised in his Population Studies of Birds. Both books should be consulted by the reader who is really interested in this subject. In this account I have drawn on examples which, wherever possible, have direct relevance to economic ornithology.
Farmers tend to the pessimistic belief that all problem birds become more abundant every year. Yet careful counts of most such species living in stable environments usually show there to be no clear tendency towards a steady increase, or even decrease, though numbers may fluctuate from year to year. For instance, many farmers believe that the wood-pigeon has increased drastically during this century to become more of a pest, though in conditions of stable agriculture this is unlikely to be true. In fact, there is evidence of a decline since the early 1960s associated with a reduction in the acreage of winter clover-leys and pastures. Certainly the species has moved into newly developed marginal land; places like the east Suffolk heathlands, which have been ploughed and claimed for agriculture since the Second World War, have been colonised by wood-pigeons. Fig. 1 gives some indication of how wood-pigeon numbers have varied on a Scottish estate near Dundee since 1887, and it is evident that fluctuations have occurred within narrow limits, with no evidence at all for a sustained rise or fall. In contrast, Fig. 1 also shows how the closely related stock dove has increased over the same period; this species first colonised in Scotland in 1866, reached Fife in 1878 and increased dramatically in Scotland in the next ten years. Every year each pair of wood-pigeons rears on average just over two young and it is evident that if all these survived to breed in their turn, population size would increase exponentially. That this does not normally occur indicates that some form of regulatory mechanism must be operating. Furthermore, this regulation must be density-dependent, that is, it must become proportionately more effective at high population densities and proportionately less effective at low ones. If the regulatory factor (s) operated without regard to density, it is evident that population size could fluctuate widely without reference to a particular level – to the constant mean represented by the dotted line in the figure.
FIG. 1. Annual number of wood-pigeons and stock doves shot on an estate near Dundee. The data refer to an area which remained virtually unchanged during the period under review, and nearly all the birds were shot by one man who maintained a reasonably constant shooting pressure. They, therefore, probably provide a fair index of the total population. The autumn of 1909 was a disastrous one for the harvest owing to gales and rain from August until October so that much corn remained uncut. This resulted in an influx of wood-pigeons and the appearance of stock doves in large numbers. (Data by courtesy of Dr J. Berry.)
FIG. 2. Logarithmic increase of the collared dove in Britain. (Data from Hudson 1965).
Sometimes bird numbers do in fact increase geometrically, as when a species moves into a previously untenanted region where there is scope for it to live; in biological terms where a vacant niche exists (see below). In this way the collared dove dispersed dramatically across Europe to reach Britain in 1952. It had spread to south-east Europe from northern India by the sixteenth century but had then remained static in its European outpost until 1930. It has subsequently spread north-west across Europe, reaching Jutland in 1950 and Britain in 1955; an expansion 1,000 miles across Europe in twenty-four years. Why this spread was so long delayed is not clear, though it is most feasible, as Mayr has suggested, that a genetical mutation occurred which suddenly rendered the species less restricted in its needs. (We can imagine a bird, though not necessarily the collared dove, to be restricted by a temperature tolerance which a single sudden genetic mutation could remedy.) Throughout Britain and Europe a vacant niche existed for a small dove living close to man; it is even possible that the decline in popularity of the dove-cote pigeon created this niche. Whatever the explanation, a high survival rate among collared doves has evidently been possible, and their potential capacity for geometric increase has been realised: see Fig. 2, which relates to Britain. The Syrian woodpecker may be on the brink of a similar explosion. It is considered to be a recently evolved species (post-glacial) which replaces the great spotted woodpecker in south-east Asia. It spread to Bulgaria to breed in 1890, to Hungary in 1949 and to Vienna in 1951. A significant feature of the bird’s ecology in Europe is its confinement to cultivated areas which do not suit the great spotted woodpecker. If it proves to be better adapted to this man-made niche we can anticipate a continuing advance across Europe. Agricultural development in the Balkans may well bring other surprising range extensions.
Accepting* that populations are controlled in a density-dependent manner the next question to consider is the nature of these regulatory processes. Fundamentally, either the birth-rate or death-rate must be the factor of change. Wynne-Edwards and his supporters have argued that the reproductive rate is of much importance and that those animals with a high expectation of survival, such as many seabirds, have evolved low reproductive rates and vice versa. They have also claimed that a host of conventional behaviours have evolved as a means of regulating numbers. For instance, Wynne-Edwards regards the eating of eggs and young, practised by many raptors and also storks, as a device to limit their reproductive output; deferred maturity (gulls do not breed until three or four years old), territory formation, and various other behaviours are similarly regarded in this light. These views form part of his more general thesis that animal numbers in undisturbed habitats are at an optimum density and that maintaining this optimum has selective advantages. Special cases of this theme have attracted various supporters. E. M. Nicholson (1955) is one and he ascribes population control to density-dependent movements, rather than to mortality, while Lidiker (1962) goes further in seeing emigration as a mechanism enabling populations to have densities below the optimum carrying capacity of their habitat. Hence, Wynne-Edwards regards behaviours such as those listed above as homeostatic (self-regulatory) mechanisms, being induced by the population rather than by the environment.
Wynne-Edwards also drew parallels between bird and human populations, claiming that infanticide, taboos and other methods of reproductive restraint practised by so-called primitive societies were extensions of these same deep-rooted animal behaviours. In so doing he resuscitated some very early ideas of Carr-Saunders (published in 1922) which the well-known demographer did not subsequently repeat. Indeed, Mary Douglas, in criticising the idea of an optimum population, points out that there are many examples of human under-population. Considering certain primitive societies in detail, she makes it clear that they represent highly evolved and complex groups about which generalisations are meaningless. For instance, the Netsilik Eskimos live in a harsh environment where males suffer a very heavy mortality in hunting, and female infanticide is practised primarily to maintain an even sex balance. The Ndembu, a Lunda tribe in Zambia, grow cassava as their staple crop and live at a density of 3–5 people per square mile, whereas cassava could support a density of 18 people per square mile. The reason for the discrepancy is that the tribe passionately love hunting and move their villages to where game is available so that they never reach a stage where they are up against the ceiling imposed by their basic resources. As Douglas says: ‘they live for the oysters and champagne of life not the bread and butter.’ On the other hand, the Rendille are a tribe of camel herders in Kenya and live on the meat and milk of their sheep and camel herds. An optimum number of people is needed to maintain the camel herd, and when smallpox reduced man-power, stock had to be lost. In more normal conditions a balance of man-power is achieved by emigration, monogamy (herds are not divided but go only to the eldest son), while a measure of infanticide is practised (all boys born on Wednesdays).
In general terms, homeostatic population control in human groups
