which includes not only efforts from educational institutions but also non-educational sectors such as community agencies, health care, and business arenas (Chang, 2015). Using the present administrative infrastructure, which links provinces, municipalities, districts, streets, and neighborhoods, these communities are engaging people of all ages in nonformal and informal learning activities designed to bring learning to the fore as a priority in their lives and in their communities. Local governments in the experiment areas have integrated the work of building the learning community into their administrative responsibilities; learning streets and learning families in these local learning communities attest to the scope of these efforts (Bo Chang, personal communication, March 15, 2018). In fact, by 2012, 80% of the streets in Beijing had established community education or learning centers (Yuan, 2012).
The magnitude of China's efforts to create a learning society makes the concept difficult to grasp. It is perhaps easier to think in terms of learning “regions” or learning communities, cities, towns, or villages. Learning regions, according to Walters (2005), refer to a geographic area of any size that has made a commitment to linking “lifelong learning with economic development to compete globally” (p. 360). Scott (2017) explains that the concept of learning cities “transcends education and learning from formative schools and expands across diverse sectors of communities including business, environment, arts, recreation, technology, public health, and community service” (p. 559). Watson and Wu (2015) emphasize the fluidity of the concept, pointing out that in the United States, “learning cities evolved from the learning society and lifelong education and learning movements and advances multiple forms of communities of learning” (p. 20).
Also, according to Kearns (2015), three generations of the learning city can be detected. The first generation was in the West (United Kingdom, Germany, Canada, Australia), but this early development “has not been sustained” (p. 153). The second generation occurred in East Asia (especially China, Korea, and Taiwan) in response to socioeconomic transformations. As Han and Makino (2013) note in their analysis of learning cities in Japan, China, and Korea, learning cities was an efficient mechanism for governing bodies “to mobilise citizens' learning that enhanced personal development, economic prosperity and social inclusion” (p. 144). The third generation is marked by innovative initiatives spurred by UNES-CO international conferences on learning cities in Beijing in 2013, Hamburg in 2015, and Mexico City in 2016. The important characteristics of learning regions such as a city, state, or province is that all forms of learning—informal, nonformal, and formal—are promoted for all ages. As Boshier (2005) explains:
In a learning city (town or village) there are attempts to foster all forms of learning for citizens old and young in many contexts… . Learning cities are committed to learning as a core aspect of development. As well as catching dogs and servicing sewers, the city fosters learning. They seek to sustain economic activity by building social capital… . A learning city (town or village) is: a form of community development in which local people from every community sector act together to enhance the social, economic, cultural and environmental conditions of their community. (pp. 376–377)
Boshier also includes learning festivals as part of the learning society. Such learning festivals are part learning, part cultural expression, and part entertainment. What is key to learning regions, cities, or festivals is not technology, which “helps but is not essential. What matters most are local places and spaces” (Boshier, 2005, p. 376).
The learning society then can be considered as an expression of lifelong learning, one that is place-bound. What it means to be a learning society (or learning city, community, or region) will differ according to the particular society. What does the learning society look like, for example, in “middle-income countries like Brazil, India and South Africa” or “in contexts of widespread poverty and social polarization” (Walters, 2005, p. 360)? Certainly, this concept of the learning society, along with the concept of lifelong learning, will undergo change as societies grapple with implementing learning for all across all segments of society.
Summary
Learning opportunities for adults are found in a variety of settings, from formal institutions to the Internet, to one's home or place of employment. The importance of understanding this vast array of learning opportunities for adults is twofold. First, acknowledging prior knowledge and experiences of learners, wherever gained, is important to the practice of adult educators. Second, if more than just formal types of adult education are made visible, individual learners, even those without formal schooling, may be better able to recognize their abilities and skills as lifelong learners.
There are three primary types of opportunities or sites in which learning occurs for adults: formal settings, nonformal settings, and informal or self-directed contexts. A fourth site explored in this chapter is online learning, which spans formal, nonformal, and informal settings. Although the categorization of these learning opportunities and the language used within these categories help us think about learning, what is more crucial is the recognition that learning opportunities come in many shapes, forms, and places. The most critical actions that educators of adults can take is to recognize the equal importance of the various types of adult learning and advocate that people use them in whatever situation or setting they find themselves.
A second section of this chapter explored the concept of organizational learning and its manifestation in the learning organization. In learning organizations, learning—whether done by individuals, groups, or the organization as a whole—is a central, valued, and integral part of organizational life. The heart of the learning organization is the willingness of organizations to allow their employees and other stakeholders related to the organization to suspend and question the assumptions by which they operate, then create and examine new ways of solving organizational problems and means of operating. This process requires that people at all levels of the organization be willing to think in a systems framework, with the emphasis on collective inquiry, dialogue, and action. Creating learning organizations could allow educators of adults, whether they are associated with formal or nonformal settings, to develop learning communities in which change is accepted as the norm and innovative practices are embraced.
Finally, we reviewed the evolution of the concept of lifelong learning, which has replaced lifelong education. Lifelong learning is a broader term than lifelong education because it incorporates all forms of learning, not just the formal educational system. Lifelong learning recognizes the prevalence and value of nonformal and informal learning along with the traditional formal system. This broader perspective can be seen in practice in some societies' efforts to implement lifelong learning in their societies, communities, and learning cities and regions. The term learning society is an attempt to capture these efforts.
Chapter 4 Adult Learners: Who Participates and Why
Adult education is a large and amorphous field of practice, with no neat boundaries such as age, as in the case of elementary and secondary education, or mission, as in higher education. Adult education with its myriad content areas, delivery systems, goals, and learners defies simple categorization. In the previous chapter, we looked at the spectrum of settings where adult learning takes place, ranging from formal institutional settings, to nonformal community-based sites, to informal and Internet-based venues. One way to grasp something of the field is to find out who is involved in the activity itself—hence, studies of participation.
Knowing who participates in adult education activities and why adults are participating (or not) is necessary information for both providers and policymakers. Because participation in adult education is largely a voluntary activity, knowing who is participating, reasons for participating, and what conditions are likely to promote greater participation can help providers better serve adult learners. An understanding of participation patterns can also raise important questions about assumptions underlying what is offered, who is benefiting from participating, and whose needs are not being met.
Knowledge
