The Power of Plagues. Irwin W. Sherman

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could lead to disaster. With purebred strains (monocultures), disruption becomes that much easier. Living in villages or cities—that is, in permanent settlements—involves the risk of parasite invasion. Those infected with intestinal parasites can through their feces more easily transmit disease to others, and where the water supply becomes contaminated through the use of either night soil or fecally contaminated streams, the spread of disease can be great indeed. A single contaminated water source serving a large population can be a much greater threat than several sources supplying smaller bands of hunters and gatherers. Irrigation practices thus created a favorable environment for transmission of parasites—moisture was abundant; there was a liquid medium in which parasites and/or their cysts and eggs could persist; and the water could also be used for drinking, bathing, washing of clothes, and waste disposal.

      The disruptive effects of an epidemic disease are more than simply the loss of individual lives. Often the survivors are demoralized, they lose faith in inherited customs, and if it affects the working age group, it can lead to a material as well as a spiritual decline. As a consequence, the cohesion of the community may collapse and it may become susceptible to invasion from neighbors. Once disease is widespread in an agricultural community, it can produce a listless and debilitated peasantry, handicapped for sustained work in the fields, for digging irrigation canals, and for resisting military attack or throwing off alien political domination. All this may allow for economic exploitation.

      The smaller population size of hunters and gatherers makes it seem probable that person- to-person “civilized” infectious diseases, such as measles, influenza, smallpox, and polio, could not have established themselves, because these are density-dependent diseases requiring a critical number of individuals for transmission. Although there is no hard literary or archeological evidence, it does seem reasonable to suggest, as did William McNeill, that “the major civilized regions of the Old World each developed its own peculiar mix of infectious, person-to-person diseases between the time when cities first arose (about 3000 BC) and about 500 BC. Such diseases and disease-resistant populations were biologically dangerous to neighbors unaccustomed to so formidable an array of infections. This fact made territorial expansion of civilized populations much easier than would otherwise have been the case.”

      The Accident That Caused Societal Differences

      Fast forward to the future. In Guns, Germs, and Steel, Diamond argues persuasively that it was not biological differences but geography that was the decisive element. It was differences not in the braininess or genetics of the human populations but in the plant and animal resources available on a particular continent—an accident of geography—that made the difference. Diamond believes that the fortuitous accident began in the Fertile Crescent, which contained a suitable array of plants and animals, called “founders,” and that these formed the basis for domestication. What were the founder plants? Those locally available in Southwest Asia/Fertile Crescent that would not serve as the basis for domestication were plants with a large amount of indigestible material such as bark or that were poisonous, low in nutritional value, or tedious to prepare and gather. The desirable attributes of plants that make them suitable for domestication include having a larger proportion of edible parts (large seeds) and a lower proportion of woody, inedible parts; being easy to harvest en masse (with a sickle); a seasonal nature; being easy to grind, easy to sow, and easily stored; and being high in yield and high in calories. Plants with these characteristics were selected for domestication. They fall into four categories: grasses (wheat, barley, oats, millet, and rice), legumes (peas and beans), fruit and nut trees (olives, figs, dates, pomegranates, grapes, apples, pears, and cherries), and fiber crops (flax, hemp, and cotton).

      There was a downside to animal domestication. Domesticated animals could be the source of human disease. As human populations settled down, they created heaps of waste—middens of animal bones, garbage, and feces. These served as the breeding grounds for and a source of microparasites; they also attracted insects that could act as vectors of disease, as well as wild birds and rodents carrying their own parasites and potential new sources of human disease. With each domesticated species of animal came the possible human exposure to new disease agents—parasites. For example, the numbers of diseases acquired from domestic animals (zoonotically) has been estimated to be: dogs, 65; cattle, 45; sheep and goats, 46; pigs, 42; horses, 35; rats, 32; and poultry, 26. Specifically, the human measles virus has its counterpart in the distemper virus of dogs and rinderpest in cattle. Smallpox has its closest relatives in the virus of cows and poxviruses in pigs and fowl, and human tuberculosis is a cousin of bovine tuberculosis. More recent examples of the “jump” from one animal species to another include HIV, in which a chimpanzee virus became humanized; monkey pox transmitted to humans by the bite of pet prairie dogs; SARS from civet cats; and Ebola from bats.

      With

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