as Ali Meghji notes, exciting conversations are happening among radical, Black, and other racialized students about how to ‘decolonize the university’, these are nonetheless happening within settings that are still undergirded by coloniality and an attendant epistemic hegemony which construes ‘provincial’ western knowledge as both superior and as universally applicable (Meghji 2019).
Why Race Still Matters should be read not as an appeal, but as an affirmation. Race, Cornel West wrote, simply does matter (West 2017 [1992]). As you read this book, however, you will notice that I am frustrated at how little race is said to matter. In fact, when those who face racism speak out, they find themselves policed for ‘making it about race’, as though they – not the persistence of racial rule – were responsible for their own oppression. As one headline in the French republican magazine Marianne screamed: ‘Race obsessives on the offensive. They import American political correctness, they infiltrate the universities, clubs and unions, they want to ban art, they want to end universalism’ (Girard and Mathoux 2019). This book, then, is a call to notice not just when and how race matters but when, how, and why it is said to be of no significance. It is a call to notice that talking about race mattering is so often equated with extremism, even as violence proliferates in the name of an idealized racial purity.
Why Race Still Matters circumnavigates a range of debates in the contemporary politics of race. It is not a textbook, and neither is it a holistic account. Supplementary reading into terms I introduce, such as racial capitalism, white supremacism, or racial rule, will be necessary if, as I hope, I have managed to convince you that we all need more and better racial literacy. Therefore, the book explores trends in the politics of race that I believe are significant and which I have been tracking for a number of years.
This book is a call to notice not just when and how race matters but when, how, and why it is said to be of no significance.
In Chapter 1, I propose that it is pointless to argue about race using the terms of the discredited and bogus concepts of ‘racial science’. Efforts to demonstrate that race is socially constructed and not a biological reality have largely failed, as can be witnessed in the resurgent popularity of so-called ‘race realism’ and the defence by prominent academics and public figures of eugenic research in the name of ‘academic freedom’. Rather, we need to theorize race as a political project with ongoing effects.
Chapter 2 posits that the power to define racism is taken away from those most affected by it. The widespread tendency to question what is and is not racism should be understood as a form of discursive racist violence. However, while the habit of labelling obviously racist events as ‘not racism’ by a defensive white public is growing, this is not new. Rather, to understand why there is so much debate about what can and cannot be called racism, we need to revisit the history of its evolution as a concept.
In Chapter 3, I argue that on the left as well as on the right of politics there is a dangerous tendency to downplay the effects of race by dismissing those who talk about it as divisive ‘identitarians’. The constant production of outrage about the apparent excesses of ‘identity politics’ is having a negative effect on the possibilities for antiracist solidarity grounded in a race-critical politics. I explain why we should be sceptical of the intentions of those who argue that ‘making it about race’ is playing into the hands of the right.
The fourth chapter examines the ways in which the objection to antisemitism has been used as a proxy for a commitment to antiracism on behalf of all racialized people. Politicians’ proclamations against antisemitism draw attention away from the fact that it has always been an elite project. Exclusive responsibility for antisemitism is placed onto minoritized communities, in particular Muslims. Instead, in order to adequately theorize antisemitism today, we need to see it as entangled with Islamophobia. Only this will permit Jews on the left to oppose our manipulation in the service of racism and colonialism, returning us to what the theorist of decolonial Judaism Santiago Slabodsky calls our ‘barbarian’ roots (Slabodsky 2015).
In conclusion, I revisit the key point made by the book, that understanding how race matters is essential for a fuller understanding of our contemporary lives. I propose that difficult conversations about race are taking place among those whom it affects, and it is the responsibility of everyone to reject defensiveness, and to listen and engage. This is, as Stuart Hall put it, a process and a politics ‘without guarantees’, one that is all the more important for being so.
My hope is to have successfully argued that, far from anchoring us in pessimism, or a feeling that we are trapped in a history destined to repeat, it is through better understanding of how and why race matters that we can all one day be more free. But I also want you to get angry, because, far from a useless emotion (Lorde 1981), it is anger against the injustice that makes race still matter that will pave the way to that freedom; not a selective anger, but a relational one, an anger that, despite my appeal not to leave race behind just yet, motivates us to seek a day when we can do exactly that.
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