Museum Transformations. Группа авторов

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activists from Ogoniland who protested against the oil companies’ pollution of the Delta region (Human Rights Watch, 1999, 2002). Nor is there any mention of the threat this pollution poses to the very masquerade tradition on display, whose imagery calls up the cosmology represented by the water-loving animal life in the Delta and whose resilience and inventiveness are celebrated by the BM.

      FIGURE 0.1 (a) Display of masks made by the Kalabari peoples from the Niger Delta in Southern Nigeria in the Sainsbury Africa Gallery at the British Museum, London. The explanatory labels exclusively foreground the importance of water spirits in the masquerades and the use of new materials: “These are various fish masquerades, made over a period of a hundred years and drawing on changing materials and techniques.” (b)

      (b) Detail of a Kalabari fish mask showing the incorporation of recycled cardboard boxes.

      Courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum. Photos © Annie E. Coombes.

      are smiling at each other as if to say “now we are free” … I didn’t carve the smile, it’s part of the rifle butt. The screw holes and the mark left from where the strap was attached to the gun. I wanted to just use the gun as it was, not change it. So I chose the guns and the weapons that had the most expression. Also the back of the chair is curved. You can see a kind of archway or a door of a church. You can imagine you are at the door of a church. (Kester 2014)

      The piece has been shown internationally in exhibition venues promoting peace such as Belfast’s Ulster Museum and several prisons, contexts which allowed the throne to shine a spotlight on the international arms trade.

      In the drawing that represents the “throne” on the BBC website for A History of the World in 100 Objects each armament is carefully labeled and the country which supplied it named. This kind of detail is missing from the gallery display, though the label declares that “during the war, seven million guns – none of them made in Africa – poured into the country.” In the Africa Galleries, the complicity of countries and institutions in the international arms trade is spelled out in a video on a related exhibit. The Tree of Life was commissioned by the BM and Christian Aid specifically for the Sainsbury Africa Gallery and created by Mozambican artists Adelino Mate, Fiel dos Santos, Hilario Nhatugueja, and Kester (Figure 0.2). Bishop Dom Dinis Sengulane is filmed speaking to camera saying, “Mozambique does not manufacture guns,” and close-ups of individual weapons are paraded before the camera sporting the names of the countries which supplied them during the Mozambique civil war from 1977 to 1992. These include Rhodesia, South Africa, Russia, and Germany. The website for A History of the World in 100 Objects unwittingly exposes some of the controversial issues raised even by commendable initiatives such as these. A comment submitted by an aid worker recently returned from Mozambique draws attention to the question of access to the “throne”:

      Where I am we don’t have communications and certainly little art and no stimulating radio. So firstly I am reminded how lucky we are here to feed so richly in these ways. I am currently working with my community to construct a monument to peace; 15 people died in the war years, 7 boys killed with large knives, 3 women and 5 men with a mixture of guns as depicted in this chair. Thank you for bringing this fascinating interpretation of the war to light and I wish the insight provided by your interviews, and mainly the art work could sit prominently in our local town Pemba.8

      Courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum. Photo © Annie E. Coombes.

      The two examples above also expose the confusing inconsistency in the way issues of globalization and its attendant power relations are acknowledged in the displays in the Africa galleries and elsewhere in the BM. On the one hand, the international arms trade is proclaimed as the culprit responsible for fueling the civil war in Mozambique, and, on the other hand, the role of multinational oil companies in the decimation of the ecology of the Niger Delta is thoroughly denied.

      At the beginning of the new millennium, in 2002, a consortium of directors representing some of the wealthiest major museums in Europe, Russia, and North America came together to defend the “importance and value of universal museums.”9 This defense was launched in the face of more than a decade of deconstructive postcolonial critique and an even longer history of demands for the return of treasures of world art that had entered European museums during and after the colonial era. Disingenuously claiming to speak for the “international museum community,” the directors marshaled globalization and internationalism as key arguments against restitution: “Although each case has to be judged individually, we should acknowledge that museums serve not just the citizens of one nation but the people of every nation.”10 Interestingly MacGregor’s speech two years later, in 2004, on the occasion of the British Museum’s two hundred and fiftieth anniversary celebrations, turns on a similar contradiction using the three (and as we have now seen, rather controversial) examples already discussed – Sokari Douglas Camp’s sculpture Otobo, the Benin bronzes, and

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