to the research on Hobongan. My work has also been immeasurably aided by Rachel Searcy, whose knowledge of Hobongan language and culture has made much of this research possible.
Notes
(1)There are notable exceptions, for example: Greene (1999) wrote a description of Belizean Creole which was based primarily on a sociolinguistic analysis of the language; Sonora Yaqui Language Structures (Dedrick & Casad, 1999) includes several narratives with some analysis of the structures of those narratives; Kieviet (2017) includes a more generous selection of interlinear texts than many other descriptions, although the author limits himself to analysis of sounds-through-syntax.
(2)I am grateful to an anonymous reviewer who brought to my attention the fact that older generations can be dismayed by language changes and start insisting that a language be spoken in an ‘authentic’ way and that such insistence, which is an attempt to preserve a language, can have devastating effects on younger people’s willingness to try to speak the language (e.g. Dorian, 1994, for East-Sutherland Gaelic).
(3)As of early 2019, a Hobongan student decided to continue on to university to study education, with the stated goal of returning to the Hobongan villages to teach students in Hobongan. I sincerely hope that she can continue towards her goal and will be able to develop the skills and knowledge necessary to develop a curriculum in her first language. There is broad community support for her project, but whether that translates into concrete support after she graduates remains to be seen.
(4)Some linguists have emphasized norms and normativity instead of standards and prescription in an attempt to distinguish more precisely the types of interventions made to establish the status of a language (see Armstrong & Mackenzie, 2013; Haas, 1982).
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