steam-engines, and other agents combined to furnish transportation, have a special earning power because other similar agents are forbidden to be used in that market.
Various kinds of "unearned increments"
5. Industry abounds with cases of unearned increments of value due to accidental and social causes raising the rents of wealth. The term unearned increment may be defined as an increase in rents (or value) of agents, due to something other than the efforts or merits of the owner; in fact, it is that of which we have been speaking. In some cases powerful or wealthy men can bring about social changes in entirely legitimate ways. The owner of a large factory, moving it into the country, may buy up surrounding land and found a city, converting pasture lands and corn-fields into valuable building lots. Again, social changes are produced immorally, if not illegitimately, when wealthy men or influential politicians cause laws to be passed which inure to their advantage but which may ruin many other citizens.
Also many chances of loss
In most cases, however, social changes are impersonally caused. The individual owner who profits by them is powerless to affect the result. He can only adapt his conduct in some measure so as to reap an advantage. He can strive to increase the number and quality and to get control of such agents as he foresees will yield higher rents. In making such a forecast there is chance of loss as well as of gain. The term "unearned increment" has been frequently used in recent years. It is often assumed to be a peculiar thing, sharply in contrast to other changes in value. The foregoing hasty review may serve to suggest how manifold and complex are the instances of it, and what an important part it plays in modern industry.
DIVISION C—CAPITALIZATION AND TIME-VALUE
CHAPTER 13
MONEY AS A TOOL IN EXCHANGE
§ I. ORIGIN OF THE USE OF MONEY
The consideration of money can no longer be postponed
1. The exchange of goods by barter is extremely difficult in most cases. Thus far we have not considered the subject of money and have so far as possible avoided even the use of the term. Value in economics does not depend on money, and is not necessarily connected with it. Things can be compared in their utility, their importance to our welfare can be estimated, without the use of money. Many problems of economics can be discussed pretty thoroughly and solved without the use of the word money or any term of similar meaning. But to-day it is impossible to go very far in the discussion of economic questions without using the concept of money, which is interwoven with every practical and theoretical problem in economics. We have delayed to the farthest limit the formal recognition of the subject; but we are now approaching the question of capital and interest, and it is no longer possible to avoid a preliminary consideration of the money concept.
Exact measurement of utilities is not possible without some medium of exchange
In considering the problem of exchange of consumption goods, we have assumed that it is possible to weigh small differences in the marginal utility of goods, and that such differences have influence on exchange. Now in exchange by barter such a small estimate is impossible. In barter things are exchanged directly for each other in kind. If the two things do not chance to coincide in value, the exchange cannot be completed. An equivalent must be found, or a multiple, if the marginal utility of two goods is to be equalized for either party by exchange. As in most cases this adjustment must be very incomplete, many exchanges that otherwise would be advantageous cannot take place. In the earlier stages of development, this careful estimate of value is not found. Children do not make it. The typical trade of the small boy is a "trade even"; Johnny exchanges his gingerbread for Jimmie's jack-knife. It marks an epoch in the industrial development of the boy when he begins to keep store with pins, and no longer trades candy for apples, but both for pins, which have become the medium of exchange in his boy world. He then can express values in much more exact terms. In our society most children begin early to grow familiar with this conception; but travelers find some savage tribes still in the earlier childish stage of development, unable to grasp the thought of a general medium of exchange. When, through lack of a medium of exchange, there is a failure to adjust utilities, there is a loss of the possible advantage in each defeated exchange. There is a further waste of time and of vain efforts to find something that will be accepted in exchange, and the loss offsets a large part of the gain even when the barter is effected.
Money is found to serve as a general medium of exchange
2. Some kind of enjoyable good in general use comes to be money, that is, to be accepted as a medium of exchange. The difficulties just mentioned are met by the use of a medium of exchange. A medium of exchange is simply one kind of wealth which is taken, not for itself, but to pass along, in the belief that it will enable the taker to gratify his wants and distribute his purchasing power in a more effective way. Money is an "invention" in that it is a means of exchange that came into use independently in a great number of communities. It is not an invention in the sense of a mechanical device suddenly hit upon, but rather in the sense of a social custom that grows as its convenience is tested by practice. Money is used, in some degree, everywhere except in the most primitive tribes. Historically viewed, the money first used in any community is seen in every case to be a commodity capable of giving immediate gratification, a direct good in immediate use. It then gradually comes to be used as money, which is an indirect agent. Still later, when the money habit is well established, a kind of material having no utility except as a medium of exchange may come to be used.
Qualities of the primitive money
3. Money in its origin is that good which best unites the qualities that make it easy to sell, to carry, to know, to keep, to divide, and unite. It is evident that if some one commodity is gradually to take on this use as a medium of exchange there will be a choice; some things will be better fitted than others. First, this thing must have the quality of salability, or marketability. In the channels of exchange it is taken not because it is wanted for itself, but because it will help to get something else that is wanted. To be sure of a ready sale in a primitive community it must, however, be something that is generally desired. Food and clothing, which supply the fundamental physical needs, are the most generally used and desired of all goods. But they do not have the second quality of a good money material, that of great value in small bulk, transportability. Food is bulky. The carrying of a venison or of a bag of wheat on one's back a short distance requires an effort as great as that for the procuring of the food. Furs, however, have this quality in a high measure, united with other qualities of money, as is shown by their general use in the exchanges of northern tribes. Thirdly, a thing must be recognizable; counterfeits must be easily avoided, and the quality must be easy to test: this is the quality of cognizability. The love of ornament is universal in human societies, and gives value to many materials combining in a high degree the qualities thus far named. Fourthly, the money material, when taken in exchange, must remain without loss of quality, perhaps for long periods, until it can be exchanged again. Food does not answer to this requirement, being organic and perishable. But some of the metals, having value in small bulk, salability, cognizability, and durability, step by step displaced other forms of money. Finally, money must be made of a material easy to divide and unite. It is a great convenience in small transactions to be able to represent a fractional value by a small
