responsive, warm, rational, and to use moderate control (i.e., firm control, reasoning, consistent rule enforcement, and better monitoring rather than punitive or neglectful behavior) with children (Bush & Peterson, 2013; Crnic et al., 2005; Deater-Deckard, 2004; Deater-Deckard et al., 2005; Gerard et al., 2008). Child outcomes associated with positive parental behaviors include high self-esteem, effective school achievement, competent social skills, effective peer adjustment, as well as a balance between conforming to parents and making progress toward autonomy. These child and adolescent qualities are key aspects of social competence, or what a variety of cultures often view as adaptive attributes by the young (Bush & Peterson, 2013; Peterson & Bush, 2015).
The systemic connections between parental stress and child characteristics are not limited to circumstances where social influence is viewed as flowing only from parent to child. Instead, children and their perceived attributes have considerable influence on the stress experienced by parents (Bush & Peterson, 2013; Cappa et al., 2011; Deater-Deckard, 2004; Gerard et al., 2008). The existing literature generally supports the family systems hypothesis that relationships, such as those between parents and children, are extensively interdependent, reciprocal, or transactional (Kuczynski & De Mol, 2015; Neece et al., 2012). Moreover, parents who report greater intimacy and communication in their marriages tend to be less stressed and are more responsive, affectionate, and moderately controlling with children (Bush & Peterson, 2013; Gerard et al., 2008). Clearly, the parent–child relationship is systemic in nature by having reciprocal or multidirectional connections, with parental stress being both a “product” and an “activator” of changes within the family system (Deater-Deckard, 2004; Kuczynski, & De Mol, 2015; Neece et al., 2012).
Stressors or Stressor Events for Parents: Factor A
Stressors or stressor events (the A factor) consist of occurrences that may be of sufficient magnitude to bring about changes within the larger family system, the parent–child subsystem and feelings of tension by parents (Boss, 2014). However, because many stressful circumstances do not occur for parents as discrete events, the general term stressor is now preferred. This distinction is important because parents may be dealing with circumstances that develop gradually over an extended time period and multiple stressors can accumulate to gradually determine the overall level of parental stress (McCubbin & Patterson, 1983; Rich, 2017).
Although a stressor has the potential to evoke systemic change and psychological responses, the occurrences that challenge parent–child relationships do not inevitably lead to the onset of stress. Stressors may threaten the status quo of families and parent–child relationships, but they are not solely responsible for fostering stress by imposing demands on individuals (e.g., parents) and relationships. By themselves, stressors (a) do not have all the necessary ingredients (i.e., the B factor, resources, and the C factor, definitions) for parental stress, (b) have no inherent positive or negative qualities, and (c) may never immobilize the parent–child relationship and bring about individual stress by parents. Instead, stressors are undefined phenomena that are capable of only applying pressures that range from developing dramatically to unfolding gradually. Rather than always being major disruptions, many stressors are of mild to moderate strength that can accumulate and “pile up” over time (Buehler, & Gerard, 2013; McCubbin & Patterson, 1983; Patterson, 2002).
Despite the fact that stressors have no inherent meaning, scholars have developed classification systems to identify common ways that parents and families tend to define and respond to them (Allen, 2017). A number of stressors often receive fairly common individual definitions that fit approximately into the categories of a classification system. Most classification systems include three common categories: normative stressors, nonnormative stressors, and chronic stressors. An important caution to keep in mind, however, is that specific stressors do not always fit exclusively within a single category, which means that any classification system inherently has imperfections.
Normative Stressors
An initial kind of change, normative stressors, are part of everyday life (e.g., daily hassles) or are longer term developmental transitions that occur normally during the family life course (see Price, Bush, Price, & McKenry, Chapter 1 in this volume).
Daily Hassles
Parents’ daily hassles include constant caregiving demands and pressures from everyday tasks involved in caring for and socializing children (Finegood et al., 2017; Helms, Postler, & Demo, Chapter 2 in this volume). Many everyday child-rearing experiences are sources of self-defined competence and satisfactions by parents as they engage in playful activities with children, solve parent–child challenges, and enjoy the developmental progress of their young (Bush & Peterson, 2008, 2013; Peterson & Bush, 2015). In contrast, other parenting experiences are less positive, such as when Tiffany reports dealing with her children’s whining, their annoying conduct due to underdeveloped self-control, endless cleaning-up activities, loss of sleep, toilet training, constant interruptions, lack of personal time, and seemingly endless errands. Some hassles are infrequent and situational, whereas others occur repeatedly as part of everyday life (Crnic et al., 2005; Crnic & Low, 2002, Kalil et al., 2014; Yoon et al., 2015). By itself, each hassle may have limited consequences, but the cumulative impact of daily hassles may lead to substantial amounts of parental stress (Finegood et al., 2017; Helms, Postler, & Demo, Chapter 2 in this volume; Hennon et al., 2009).
Single-parent families may be subject to problems stemming from the rapid accumulation of daily hassles and other stressors. One reason for this “accumulation” problem is that adult partners are now absent or are no longer sharing the everyday challenges of child-rearing. For example, although Tiffany’s ex-husband pays some child support (he is only inconsistently employed), he is not involved with the children regularly to share everyday tasks. The daily hassles of single parents may be complicated by stress resulting from economic disadvantage, employment conflicts, and limited social support. Single parents often must face an accumulation of challenges that leads to feelings of isolation, exhaustion, depression, distress, and diminished feelings of parental efficacy (Kremer-Sadlik & Paugh, 2007; Ontai et al., 2008). Although many single parents provide positive environments for children, this accumulation of daily hassles may push parent–child relationships gradually in problematic directions over time (Ontai et al., 2008). When daily hassles occur regularly, parents who once were satisfied and competent, may gradually become fatigued, dysfunctional, and subjected to growing stress (Dunning & Giallo, 2012). These evolving circular processes may give rise to unresponsive, and less satisfied parents, along with children who demonstrate acting out and problematic behaviors (Crnic et al., 2005; Crnic & Low, 2002; Neece et al., 2012).
Developmental Transitions
Other sources of normative stress are the developmental transitions of the young, the social meanings associated with these changes, and the resulting need for modifications within parent–child relationships. Developmental transitions have the potential for stressors to accumulate and can result in disruptive change, psychological distress, or, in contrast, a growing sense of parental competence. One of these pivotal times of change and possible stress occurs during the transition to parenthood. Newborns require almost constant care through feeding, cleaning, changing, and dealing with an infant’s sleep patterns. Relentless parental responsibilities during this period include monitoring their infant’s health, applying preventative measures, and arranging treatment for problematic health issues (Medina et al., 2009). Parents who cope effectively are those who sooth newborns when they cry and provide other forms of sensitive responsiveness that foster the establishment of secure parent–child attachment. Sensitive responsiveness involves managing
