1871, Ancient Society, 1877. Many papers in the Reports of the Bureau of Ethnology, especially by Powell in 1st, 1879–80; Dorsey in 3rd, 1881–82, Mendeleff in 19th, 1893–94.
For India, China, and Japan: Lyall, Asiatic Studies, Religious and Social, 1882; Gray, China, 1878; Smith, Chinese Characteristics, 1894; Village Life in China, 1899; Nitobé, Bushido, 1905; L. Hearn, Japan, 1904.
For Semitic and Indo-Germanic Peoples: W. R. Smith, Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia, 1885; The Religion of the Semites, 1894; W. Hearn, The Aryan Household, 1879; Coulanges, The Ancient City, 1873; Seebohm, The Tribal System in Wales, 1895, and Tribal Custom in Anglo-Saxon Law, 1902; Krauss, Sitte und Brauch der Südslaven, 1885.
General: Grosse, Die Formen der Familie und die Formen der Wirthschaft, 1896; Starke, The Primitive Family, 1889; Maine, Ancient Law, 1885; McLennan, Studies in Ancient History, 1886; Rivers, On the Origin of the Classificatory System of Relationships, in Anthropological Essays, presented to E. B. Tylor, 1907; Ratzel, History of Mankind, 1896–98; Kovalevsky, Tableau des origines et de l'Evolution de la Famille et de la Propriété, 1890; Giddings, Principles of Sociology, 1896, pp. 157–168, 256–298; Thomas, Relation of Sex to Primitive Social Control in Sex and Society, 1907; Webster, Primitive Secret Societies, 1908; Simmel, The Sociology of Secrecy and of Secret Societies, American Journal Sociology, Vol. XI., 1906, pp. 441–498. See also the references at close of Chapters VI., VII.
FOOTNOTES:
[3] Wilamowitz-Möllendorf, Aristotle und Athen, II. 93, 47.
[4] History of Greece, III., 55.
[5] The Ancient City, p. 51.
[6] Russian mirs, South Slavonian "joint" families, Corsican clans with their vendettas, and tribes in the Caucasus still have the group interest strong, and the feuds of the mountaineers in some of the border states illustrate family solidarity.
[7] "In all the tribes with whom we are acquainted all the terms coincide without any exception in the recognition of relationships, all of which are dependent on the existence of a classificatory system, the fundamental idea of which is that the women of certain groups marry the men of others. Each tribe has one term applied indiscriminately to the man or woman whom he actually marries and to all whom he might lawfully marry, that is, who belong to the right group: One term to his actual mother and to all the women whom his father might lawfully have married."—Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 57.
[8] The fact that primitive man is at once an individual and a member of a group—that he has as it were two personalities or selves, an individual self and a clan-self, or "tribal-self," as Clifford called it—is not merely a psychologist's way of stating things. The Kafir people, according to their most recent student, Mr. Dudley Kidd, have two distinct words to express these two selves. They call one the idhlozi and other the itongo. "The idhlozi is the individual and personal spirit born with each child—something fresh and unique which is never shared with any one else—while the itongo is the ancestral and corporate spirit which is not personal but tribal, or a thing of the clan, the possession of which is obtained not by birth but by certain initiatory rites. The idhlozi is personal and inalienable, for it is wrapped up with the man's personality, and at death it lives near the grave, or goes into the snake or totem of the clan; but the itongo is of the clan, and haunts the living-hut; at death it returns to the tribal amatongo (ancestral spirits). A man's share in this clan-spirit (itongo) is lost when he becomes a Christian, or when he is in any way unfaithful to the interests of the clan, but a man never loses his idhlozi any more than he ever loses his individuality."—Savage Childhood, pp. 14 f.
[9] Hearn, The Aryan Household, p. 212.
[10] MacLennan, Studies in Ancient History, p. 381.
[11] Robertson Smith, Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia, p. 23.
[12] Cited from the Gwentian Code. Seebohm, The Tribal System in Wales, p. 104.
[13] E.g., certain joint responsibilities of husband and wife.
[14] Seebohm, The Tribal System in Wales, pp. 103 f.
[15] "From the earliest times, religion, as distinct from magic or sorcery, addresses itself to kindred and friendly beings, who may indeed be angry with their people for a time, but are always placable except to the enemies of their worshippers or to renegade members of the community. It is not with a vague fear of unknown powers, but with a loving reverence for known gods who are knit to their worshippers by strong bonds of kinship, that religion in the only true sense of the word begins."—Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, p. 54.
[16] Schurtz, Altersklassen und Männerbünde.
[17] Œdipus at Colonus, vv. 186 f.
[18] Dudley Kidd, Savage Childhood, pp. 74 f.
CHAPTER III
THE RATIONALIZING AND SOCIALIZING AGENCIES IN EARLY SOCIETY
§ 1. THREE LEVELS OF CONDUCT
A young man may enter a profession thinking of it only as a means of support. But the work requires foresight and persistence; it broadens his interests; it develops his character. Like Saul, he has gone to search for asses, he has found a kingdom. Or he may marry on the basis of emotional attraction. But the sympathies evoked, the coöperation made necessary, are refining and enlarging his life. Both these cases illustrate agencies which are moral in their results, although not carried on from a consciously moral purpose.
Suppose, however, that children are born into the family. Then the parent consciously sets about controlling their conduct, and in exercising authority almost inevitably feels the need of some standard other than caprice or selfishness. Suppose that in business the partners differ as to their shares in the profits, then the question of fairness is raised; and if one partner defaults, the question of guilt. Or suppose the business encounters a law which forbids certain operations, the problem of justice will come to consciousness. Such situations as these are evidently
