The Handbook of Solitude. Группа авторов

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      McMaster University, Canada

      Shyness reflects inhibition and anxiousness in social situations, and has been conceptualized as an emotion as well as an enduring characteristic of one’s personality (see Jones et al., 1986). Although shyness is a ubiquitous phenomenon that is observed across development, with estimates exceeding 90% of individuals experiencing it at some points in their lives (Zimbardo, 1977), a smaller percentage of children (~10–15%; Kagan, 1994) and adults (< 40%; Pilkonis, 1977) are characterized as dispositionally or temperamentally shy. Temperamental shyness is associated with a number of distinct physiological correlates of stress‐vulnerability, including greater relative right frontal EEG activity, high and stable heart rate at rest, and high morning basal cortisol levels (see Kagan et al., 1988; Schmidt & Miskovic, 2014; Schmidt & Schulkin, 1999, for reviews). Interestingly, these same distinct patterns of resting physiology have been identified in other mammals, including timid and cautious nonhuman primates (see Shackman et al., 2013), suggesting that temperamental shyness may be conserved across mammals. Temperamental shyness also has been linked to a range of internalizing problems (Findlay et al., 2009), but primarily social anxiety (Heiser et al., 2003; Hofmann et al., 2006; Poole et al., 2017). However, we know that not all individuals who are shy experience maladjustment. Some individuals who are shy appear to adapt reasonably well (Schmidt et al., 2017; Tang et al., 2017).

      Shyness is an inherently interesting phenomenon to study, not only because of its ubiquity, but because social interaction and social connection are so fundamental to human existence, raising questions regarding the function of shyness and what purpose(s) it serves (see Schmidt & Poole, 2020a). In this chapter, we explore this broader question from evolutionary and neuroscientific perspectives. To this end, we address three specific questions organized around the broader former question: (1) Are there adaptive functions of shyness? (2) What are some of the regulatory mechanisms of adaptive shyness? and (3) How are these self‐regulatory mechanisms instantiated in the brain in adaptive shyness?

      Fearful and Self‐Conscious Shyness

      Shyness has been described as a social ambivalence in which both approach and avoidance motivations are experienced simultaneously and in conflict (Asendorpf, 1990; Coplan et al., 2004; Lewis, 2001). However, the degree to which each of these motivations is experienced varies across individuals. There is empirical support for heterogeneity within shyness and shy expressions across a range of measures in toddlers (Eggum‐Wilkens et al., 2015), young children (Poole & Schmidt, 2019c, discussed further later in the chapter), and adults (Bruch et al., 1986; Santesso et al., 2006; Schmidt & Robinson, 1992). For example, individuals who experience heightened avoidance motivations within this motivational conflict are thought to possess an evolutionarily older phenotype known as fearful shyness, which tends to emerge relatively early in human development. This type of shyness reflects a heightened sensitivity to social threat and emerges with the onset of stranger fear (i.e., 6–12 months of age; Buss, 1986a,b). Fearful shyness appears to have evolved from a basic fear system to protect individuals from possible physical harm by unfamiliar conspecifics (Schmidt & Poole, 2019). In support of this subtype, there is evidence for a high degree of individual variation in fear responses in mammals (Boissy, 1995), and this variation is evident early in life and is associated with different physiological and behavioral correlates (see Schmidt & Schulkin, 1999, for a review). In all, fearful shyness reflects a dominating motivation for an avoidance reaction to social stimuli and can be seen as a temperamental disposition that is evident from infancy.

      In contrast, self‐conscious shyness reflects a motivation for both approach and avoidance, is expressed later in development (Buss, 1986a,b), and is assumed to have evolved later in human history (Schmidt & Poole, 2019). This type of shyness has been thought to emerge with the evolution of self‐awareness and other‐understanding. As such, self‐conscious shyness does not develop in human children until the preschool years at which time self‐awareness is evident (Schmidt & Poole, 2019) and children can take on the perspectives of others (e.g., Wellman & Liu, 2004). Self‐conscious shyness has been found to be unrelated to fearful shyness (Eggum‐Wilkens et al., 2015) as it is associated with less fear of physical harm and more fear of negative social evaluation, threat to the ego, and social rejection or exclusion (Schmidt & Poole, 2019). This shyness subtype may have evolved in line with selective pressure for behaviors that aid in securing strong human relationships for the purposes of protection, support, and access to reproductive opportunities (Buss, 1999; Gilbert, 1989). Since failure to gain access to these important social resources can result in rejection and loss of social status, preoccupation with self‐generated behaviors in the form of self‐conscious shyness can be seen as a method for monitoring an individual’s impression on social conspecifics (Gilbert, 2001).

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