Information Wars. Richard Stengel
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Ben, I said, that was three times the budget that I had for all of CSCC.
That’s a problem, he said.
I wondered why I needed to buy something from DOD. The Defense Department had more people in military bands than the number of foreign service officers. For them this amount of money was just the nickels left on the table.
Welcome to International Broadcasting
As it happened, I had a BBG board meeting that first week. I admit that when I came into the job, I barely knew what the BBG was. Even in my years as editor of Time, I couldn’t remember ever seeing a Voice of America story or one from any of the other entities. Even the names—Radio Free Europe, Radio Free Asia—seemed like anachronisms, throwbacks to the Cold War. The meeting was at BBG’s headquarters in the Wilbur J. Cohen Federal Building, a gloomy 1930s-era building filled with somber New Deal–era murals.
By statute, I was the Secretary’s official designee to the BBG board. But I was the first Under Secretary in anyone’s memory to actually attend a board meeting. Most of my predecessors had politely ignored it. When she was Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton told a House committee hearing that the BBG board was “practically defunct in terms of its capability to tell a message around the world.” The Chairman of that House Committee, Ed Royce of California, described the board as “dysfunctional.”7 By all accounts, this was a pretty accurate description. As one board member said to me, it was like the Albanian politburo but without the handguns. But under the chairmanship of Jeff Shell, the head of Comcast Universal, the board had undergone a turnaround. Jeff was a smart, no-nonsense, even-keeled chairman who just wanted to make things work.
At that first meeting, I did see some snippets of the journalism from some of the services. It was sober and straightforward, but seemed old-fashioned and not up to U.S. broadcast standards. The editing was a little rough, the graphics were poor, and the anchors didn’t seem all that comfortable with teleprompters. I also learned that the way the BBG “supported” U.S. foreign policy goals was to air “editorials” from the State Department. It was a neat solution for them. It hived off the material that supported U.S. foreign policy from news reporting, but it was also a way of saying to the viewer, Hey, don’t pay attention to this, it’s just American State Department propaganda, and we’ll get back to the news in a moment.
One issue in that meeting illustrated the curious relationship between State and the BBG. The executive producer for the Africa service did a short presentation asking for $300,000 of R’s public diplomacy funds to pay for a 15-minute daily newscast in Sango. I nodded as though I knew what Sango was. Sango, it turned out, was the lingua franca of the Central African Republic. I was told that the BBG currently broadcasts to the Central African Republic in English and French, but not Sango, the language most people speak. They told me that this was a priority for the National Security Council. I decided in the moment that I would say yes—that seemed like the diplomatic thing to do—but I said to the table that it was a onetime payment and that in six months I wanted to see some kind of metric showing whether it was working or not. The head of the Africa service looked a little nonplussed at this, I was later told no one had ever asked her for metrics before.
Before leaving, I told Jeff that Ben wanted to organize a meeting for us with the President about international broadcasting.
Choice of America
Ben was as good as his word. Within a couple of weeks after our sitdown, a meeting was on the calendar with President Obama on international broadcasting. Ben told me this was an ideas meeting where, once a month or so, the President called together a group in the Situation Room to brainstorm about one topic. This would be a whole hour devoted to international broadcasting.
Ben said that I should do an overview of international broadcasting, discuss State’s role, and mention any other quick observations I’d made since I arrived. Okay.
I got to the White House early and had a few minutes with one of Ben’s aides. Let’s call him Jaden. Jaden was a State staffer who had been tapped by the NSC to come over to Ben’s shop. He had served in Africa and South America. He was sharp and smart, had a goatee and a conspiratorial manner. He mentioned that he was going to be presenting about our response to Russian media. I knew from Ben and others that people at the NSC were concerned about Russia Today, the state-supported news channel that broadcast in the United States as RT. I wasn’t quite sure why. One story I heard was that Vice President Biden had turned on his television in a hotel room in Europe and thought he was watching CNN, and then … slowly … realized … it was RT. Jaden said his presentation was about the idea of the U.S. standing up its own version of RT.
Jaden showed me his PowerPoint presentation: it was titled “The Freedom News Network.” The idea was essentially to take the annual BBG budget and create an international U.S. government television network. While I wasn’t a gigantic fan of Voice of America or any of the other BBG entities, this plan was, well, crazy. The idea that the U.S. government would spend three-quarters of a billion dollars to create content 24/7, find and hire the people to do so, figure out shows and schedules, license content, and get carriage around the world on both satellite and terrestrial TV providers was absurd. I knew there were some Congressmen who were saying we should do this (and in fact, a bill would later be introduced to create the Freedom News Network), and I knew there were some people in government who thought that’s what the United States Information Agency had done (they were mistaken), but my overwhelming conviction was that this would do more to hurt America’s image than to help it.
And that wasn’t even the main reason that it was a dumb idea. The main reason was: don’t compete against yourself. No, we didn’t have an exact equivalent of Russia Today, but we had CNN and Fox News and MSNBC and CBS and the Discovery Channel and PBS and the National Geographic channel and on and on and on. We had Facebook and Google and Instagram. We had Game of Thrones for chrissakes. Someone had earlier mentioned to me that Russia Today got about the same rating in the U.K. as CNN. I went and checked and that was true. But RT was literally the only Russian channel in the top 100 channels watched in the U.K.—and the U.S. had more than 40, everything from Lifetime to the Cartoon Network. I wouldn’t trade that for a U.S. version of RT. America’s soft power in terms of TV, movies, and pop music far outweighed in influence, scope, and power anything the American government could create, much less Russia Today. RT didn’t have enough viewers in the U.S. to even qualify for a Nielsen rating.
One of the things I’d noticed in government is that people who had never been in media, who had never written a story or produced one, who didn’t know about design or graphics, who didn’t understand audiences or what they liked, seemed to think it was easy to create content. People had the illusion that because they consumed something, they understood how it worked.
I didn’t say much to Jaden about the idea before the meeting began. I had a place setting about two-thirds of the way down the table from where the President sat. Ben was sitting directly to the President’s left and spoke first. He very briefly and graciously introduced me. The President said, “Hi, Rick,” but in a completely businesslike way. When Ben called on me, I went straight to the nitty-gritty of the State Department’s relationship to BBG and why it wasn’t working. I mentioned that I was the first PD Under Secretary in memory who had actually gone to the board meetings. That the “editorials” that State did on Voice of America and other services were a waste of time.