schools, which rely on additional characteristics than just the geographical placement.
Theory: for a relational understanding of educational marketisations
Theoretically, our research takes inspiration from the scholarship of Pierre Bourdieu and successors. It includes concepts such as strategies, recognition and capitals (assets4) (Bourdieu, 1996). Analytically these concepts provide a relational foundation for understanding social phenomena. In our case, this relates to the hierarchical struggles of positions and positioning in the socially and symbolically uneven geography of Stockholm. The concepts of strategies, recognition and symbolic capital are useful to understand the notion of ‘profits of localization’ (Bourdieu, 1999) and how the inner-city schools are to be understood. But they also provide an analytical point of departure when analysing students’ perceptions.
In this chapter we have also been inspired by contemporary Bourdieusian scholars such as Mike Savage and colleagues in particular, and their work that concerns ‘emerging cultural capital’ and the city (see Prieur and Savage, 2013; Savage et al, 2018). That is to say, how the transformation and continuous gentrification of certain urban areas has made some cities areas of emerging cultural capital and with a certain cosmopolitan position. This could be seen in the awareness of urban aesthetics, but also in the social dynamics of gentrified cities such as transnational investment and segregation. As discussed before, there is a need to link the geographies of education to socio-political processes. When the city transforms, so do the possibilities to arrange education. This is particularly the case when dominant groups such as middle-class, upper middle-class and upper-class families are affected by these transformations and decide to move on to other places (Gamsu, 2015). But also, it change the possibilities for schools and students who stay behind and struggle with fewer resources and harder conditions (Bunar, 2009).
Research methods
This chapter draws from data collected in different stages between 2012 and 2019. It is predominantly based on a one-year ethnography in three post-16 elite schools. This combines interviews with 119 agents, such as students, teachers, principals and other staff members with observations in classrooms, meetings, hallways, open houses and several other events and locations. Furthermore, the data include secondary statistics, marketing pamphlets, school documents, year books, school papers and different artefacts. We have also complemented the dataset with a broader spectrum of school webpages, marketing pamphlets, photos,5 24 interviews with students from 2012 to 2013 and secondary statistics to illustrate the expanding sector of post-16 schools in Stockholm.
The ambition has been to gather an extensive dataset, to be able to map, analyse and understand the different segments of the post-16 inner-city schools. However, we are especially interested in the elite segment. This means that we have mainly focused on understanding the intersection of students’ educational strategies and schools’ institutional strategies. For us, it means a focus on recognition, positional struggles and variations in symbolic assets. Consequently, this work illuminates how the hierarchies of geography within Stockholm affects the inner-city schools and the regional educational market. We also explore the hierarchical differences between a small number of recognised ‘inner-city schools’ and the larger number of schools located in the inner-city area. In other words, between the elite segment and the other segments of schools.
A school situated in the ‘right place’
To grasp the expansion of post-16, inner-city schools, there are two important analytical features that need to be understood. The first of these are the ‘socio-symbolic’ boundaries (Wacquant, 2015) of the city. These boundaries define differences within the Stockholm region and affect all schools. As such, schools situated in the urban periphery become discredited by their proximity to low-income groups, the number of migrants and other social characteristics. If we also account for student group composition, elevated in- and outflow of students and performance rated struggles, peripheral schools are dually punished in the contemporary educational markets (Bunar, 2009; 2011). On the other hand, schools situated in affluent areas may ‘profit’ (Bourdieu, 1999) from locational advantages. While this is usually discussed in the literature about suburbia (Jellison Holme, 2002) and rural boarding schools (Gaztambide-Fernández, 2009), less has been written about wealthier urban areas.
Schools situated in the inner-city of Stockholm clearly illustrate how locational profits are accumulated. Besides profiting from the proximity to socio-economically well-off residents, many inner-city schools strategically appropriate the immediacy of the vibrant city as a competitive advantage. This includes references to lifestyles, shopping culture and outdoor eating on webpages and marketing pamphlets (Larsson and Hultqvist, 2017). As we will discuss later, these references echo the excitement of urbanity that some students long for. Nevertheless, these strategies differ, and the latter is generally referred to by recently established for-profit independent schools and in some cases also non-profit independent schools.
Our beautiful school is located in the corner of Kungstensgatan/Drottninggatan [two main streets], close to The Stockholm School of Economics. With Stadsbiblioteket [Stockholm city library] around the corner and restaurants, coffee houses and shops nearby, we have a perfect and central location. [Kungstensgymnasiet, 2019]6
Our school is located on a calm street, a stone’s throw from Odenplan [a central hub for commuters] and in proximity to Stockholm’s entire cultural supply. [Tillskärarakademin, 2019]7
Stockholm International School is located in the centre of Stockholm next to a park, on a hilltop near the main business/shopping area. [Stockholm International School, 2019]8
Additionally, the proximity to cultural and historical landmarks are used as references. In contrast to the vibrant city, the latter could more often be found amid elite schools. Among the older elite schools, it is manifest in anniversary books, documents, webpages and pamphlets where tradition is displayed as a sign of distinction and legacy. These schools frequently integrate their geographical, architectural and scholarly past with other historical events – drawing attention to their difference to more recently-established schools. The historical legacy of public elite schools is among other things demonstrated by references to the foundation of the school, followed by the key persons, the architectural layout and the inauguration. As one school states, ‘Östra Real’s current building was commissioned in 1910, but the official inauguration took place with the opening ceremony of Gustav V [Swedish king] in January 1911’ (Östra Reals gymnasium, 2019).9 Together with famous alumni, prestigious awards and stories of success, the historical legacy becomes an important institutionalised asset. As Rizvi (2014)
