foreninger var egentlig oprettet for at dæmme op for liberalismen og værne om de gamle privilegier, men de åbnede sig og blev mere en slags borgerforeninger. I lokalpolitikken dannede de det offentlige rum for meningsdannelse, der er Habermas’ kongstanke om en borgerlig offentlighed.69 Debatten forud for kommunalvalgene var upolitiseret til klar forskel fra valgene til Rigsdagen, ligesom rekrutteringen til det nationale politiske niveau skete fra andre grupper end det næringsdrivende borgerskab, der befolkede de kommunale forsamlinger. Lokalpolitik og landspolitik var endnu adskilte størrelser.
Borgerne lagde uniformerne og tog arbejdstøjet på. Endnu i 1837 var der borgervæbninger i de fleste byer, om end de var nedlagt i 23 byer, men de resterende kunne stadig mønstre 6.278 borgere. På samme tid var der 9.515 personer i brandkorpsene, og denne forskel tegnede sådan set fremtiden. Købstædernes institutioner havde gennem hele 1800-tallet forskudt vægten lidt efter lidt fra de stands- og borger dydsbetonede sammenslutninger til praktisk opgaveløsning. De kommunale udgifter steg derfor i takt med, at flere opgaver faldt inden for den kommunale virksomhed. I 1787 havde købstæderne opkrævet 73.000 rigsdaler af deres skatteborgere til kommunale udgifter, men i 1837 var tallet steget til 340.000 rigsdaler. Stigningen skyldtes ikke mindst skole- og fattigvæsenet samt indkvarteringen. I 1890’erne lignede man mere end to en halv gange så meget på hver indbygger.70 Lignende virksomhed kan ses inden for de områder, hvor kommunekassen ikke betalte, for eksempel provinssygehusene og fattiggårdene fra omkring 1840.71
Håndværkets og håndværkernes indlemmelse i den industrielle sektor var betinget af opløsningen af lavsvæsenet. For mange håndværkersvende førte de nye tider identitetstab og truende proletarisering med sig. Hvor stærkt opbruddet nogle steder måtte føles, giver Svend Korups artikel “Håndværkere i en brydningstid: Mestrene i Viborg 1860-1870” en klar fornemmelse af. I den gamle stiftsby var håndværkerne endnu karakteriseret ved en relativt svag social mobilitet og generationsmobilitet. Men på den anden side var der opstået store økonomiske forskelle mellem håndværksmestrene, og mange mestre tjente efterhånden mindre end mange svende.
Ikke overraskende, at denne deklassering og lavenes ophævelse gav anledning til en fornyet organisationsdannelse efter fag. Den klassiske købstad førte således på flere områder en vigtig arv med sig over til industribyen. Det blev i høj grad håndværkersvendenes traditioner for kollektive aktioner og selvorganisation, der blev ført videre af den nye arbejderbevægelse.72 Købstædernes lokalisering fik også blivende betydning. Det var yderst forskelligt, hvordan og hvornår den industrielle udvikling satte ind i de forskellige byer, og endnu i begyndelsen af 1870’erne fandtes godt 20 pct. af den industrielle arbejdsstyrke i landområderne, særlig inden for tegl- og kalkværker.73 Industrien samlede sig dog udtalt i de gamle, kystnære købstæder, fordi der var tale om hjemmemarkedsindustri baseret på import af udenlandske råstoffer. Det var i disse byer, at en yderligere opdeling af byrummet efter funktionelle og sociale forhold først satte ind, men det hører i alt væsentligt en senere tid til.74
Summary
Characterization and Historiography of the Early Modern Danish Market Towns
By Søren Bitsch Christensen, PhD, Associate Professor, Director of the Danish Centre for Urban History
The main trend of Danish urban history in the Early Modern period was one of weak or stagnated urbanization within an evolving primate city system centred on the capital of Copenhagen. The primacy is measured by, among other things, the payment of town taxes. From 1596 to 1621 Copenhagen paid almost the same amount of tax as all the other towns in Zealand put together. By the middle of the 18th century, however, the city paid five times more and in 1864 ten times more. Within all regions the economic strength of towns could change, but the relative distribution between regions was generally stable.
From the beginning of Absolute Monarchy in 1660 until the very earliest stages of industrialization, around 1840, the urbanization ratio was approximately twenty per cent. The urban population began to grow at a faster rate, though, from the last decades of the 18th century, and from around 1800 even faster than the rural population. Hence, the urban standstill ended. The article discusses reasons for this development, and it is noted that at various points Denmark contrasted the general European and even Nordic trends. Only a few new towns were actually founded, and apart from a handful of minor coastal towns in Northern Jutland a geographical expansion of the urban system did not occur. The new towns that began to develop were primarily for the purpose of fulfilling the new centrality functions of state administration or defence. In general, market conditions did not favour new towns since the prevailing economy of the typical market town was based on the sale of agricultural products to Copenhagen and Norway. The technological level was more or less unchanged and proto industry was very sparse. The early phase of renewed urban growth in the late 18th century was to some extent tied to expanding maritime centres and it was only from around 1800 that growth began to take place, due to classical service centre functions which were the result of increasing exports of grain to Northern Europe. The state did not formulate an urban policy to support this development, but the towns were – rightly – believed to prosper from agricultural reforms after 1780. However, important reforms of the harbour and road infrastructure were launched in the 1790s.
New research has shed light on these trends, but many aspects have still not been researched thoroughly enough. Research into urban segregation has, however, been more impressive. A number of results support Gideon Sjoberg’s classical vision of the Early Modern city. With regard to another main theme – urban cultural and political studies – a few, but important, results are discussed. It seems that cultural and political urbanism both went along with and fought the dominating influence of Absolutism. Politically, administratively, and culturally, urban autonomy suffered some serious setbacks. Examples are given: town musicians, for instance, became royal servants and the old voluntary civic guards were replaced in 1801 by a new state military system. Clubs and societies were, likewise, of a patriotic nature. On the other hand, literary preferences were individualistic and rationalistic, and the craft guilds and their old culture were never really defeated. Eventually, from 1857-1862, the market-town system was dramatically changed as trade and craft activities were liberalized and the guilds abolished. In 1837, part of their former self-rule was given back to the towns, and these forces – combined with the growth of industrialization – marked the end of the classical market-town system.
NOTER
1 Vilhelm Lorenzen: Vore Byer. Studier i Bybygning fra Middelalderens Slutning til Industrialismens Gennembrud 1536-1870, bd. 1-5, 1947-1958.
2 Mest udtalt i Hugo Matthiessen: Den gamle Købstad, 1926.
3 Hugo Matthiessen: Torv og Hærstræde, 1922, s. 82-99.
4 Janne Damgaard Sørensen: “Bybefæstninger i det middelalderlige Danmark”, 2003.
5 Hans Chr. Johansen m.fl.: “Den danske garnisonsby”, 1997, s. 23f.
6 Ida Kolte: Byporte under enevælden, 2002.
7 Thomas Bloch Ravn: “Brødremenigheden – en civilisationsagent i det sønderjyske”, 1984.
8 Martin Zerlang: Bylivets kunst, 2002, s. 11-16.
9 Hohenberg & Lees: The Making of Urban Europe 1000-1994, 1995, s. 84f.
10 Jan de Vries: European Urbanization 1500-1800, 1981, s. 88.
11 P. Munch: Købstadstyrelsen i Danmark, bd. I, 1900, s. 60. Henrik Becker-Christensen: “De danske købstæders økonomiske
