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in Australia, reindeer in northern Europe – or else another story needs to be composed and related about how they got there. And that story is necessarily non-biblical – because the Bible doesn’t say anything about it, which in turn undermines the assumption that the Bible is giving us a complete and accurate account of adaptation and biogeography. In fact it undermines the assumption that what the Bible says is even relevant to understanding the facts of prehistory. Early scientists 200 years ago recognized the problems here.

      Fossils made the problems with Noah’s ark as a scientific explanation for the patterns of life even more acute. Some ancient animals seemed to cross-cut categories – large swimming and flying reptiles, for example – while others seemed to confuse familiar patterns. Elephants, after all, were only known to be from hot climates, so why were there woolly elephants in Siberia long ago? Certainly being woolly helps you survive in Siberia, but these were elephants, so what was their relationship to the normal elephants of Africa and South Asia? And what happened to them? Was God’s gift of woolliness somehow insufficient for them? And why didn’t the same thing happen to the non-woolly elephants of the tropics? The science of the early 1800s was discovering that the world of the past was a different place than the world of the present, and the Bible afforded no guide to understanding it.

      It is no coincidence that biblical scholarship and biological scholarship matured together. The coevolution of information and explanation had been a long-term process. Scholars in ancient times had envisioned the relationship between God and His creation as analogous to that of a king and his subjects. He ruled by decree, and could reverse or abrogate his decisions more or less capriciously. For example, God devotes a chunk of space in Leviticus and Deuteronomy to explaining what foods are clean and unclean for His followers. But in Mark 7:19, Jesus peremptorily declares “all foods clean.” In practical terms, that certainly made it easier to be a Christian than a Jew, but it also reveals a God who seems not to be able to make up His mind.

      Could the sea part for His followers and swallow up their enemies? Maybe. Could a man live for three days in the belly of a fish? Maybe. Could the sun stand still in the sky for twelve hours? Maybe. Can the dead be raised? Maybe.

      By the eighteenth century, however, the image of God as a sort of cosmic despot was being gradually supplanted by the image of God as a sort of cosmic engineer, building stable things that work a certain way, always. The universe now was seen to run according to natural laws, which were inviolable by their very virtue of being divine, which in turn gave less leeway to suspend their operation, for that would plunge the universe into chaos, which was precisely what the Creation had transcended.

      Laws are order. Violating them introduces disorder. The earth could not stop rotating for a day without sustaining catastrophic consequences resulting from inertia; and starting it up again would engender similarly daunting implications now predictable from the laws of physics.

      Rationalism, the emerging ideology of the eighteenth century, was a powerful antagonist against miracles. It deployed an old medieval weapon in order to define miracles out of existence: If we can explain things without miracles, then why bother with them at all? As for the recollections of the ancients, which explanation is more likely – that there was a temporary suspension of the laws of nature, or that somebody, somewhere along the line, didn’t get the facts exactly straight in relating the story?

      But of course there was much more going on in European and American intellectual life than the demiraculizing of Scripture. Miracles were being written out of earth history as well, being supplanted by “uniformitarianism,” which held that modern geological processes are generally slow and gradual, and are the processes that are most appropriate to apply to try and understand the earth’s past. And when you performed that application, the earth seemed to be far older than the biblical “begats” could allow. The closer you looked at the composition and patterns of geological formations, the more it seemed as though the earth seemed to have “no vestige of a beginning.”1 The remains of ancient life embedded within the geological formations indicated primeval worlds inhabited by only remotely familiar forms of life. Indeed, the history of life was intimately bound up in the history of the earth itself.

      From the standpoint of natural history, then, if species lived and species ended, then it was only natural to theorize how they might originate. That was the natural history question.

      Simultaneous respect for data and Scripture, however, created a problem for mid-nineteenth-century scientists, facing evidence that showed the earth to be old and species to have lived at different times. The transmutation of species itself was not a particularly new and threatening idea in the 1840s. It had been proposed by Enlightenment scholars in England and France, and was now (in 1844) the subject of a bestseller called Vestiges of Creation. But those theories of evolution were theories of progress, in that the change of one species into another was considered to be somehow an improvement. To an age that usually still saw humans atop a line comprising all other earthly species – a Great Chain of Being – this early evolutionary theory essentially involved a short ride on a Great Escalator of Being.

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