A Companion to the Achaemenid Persian Empire, 2 Volume Set. Группа авторов
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Finally, some additional evidence demonstrates that the claim for a Median “empire” lacks a solid basis.4 There are no archeological remains of imperial centers, nor are there documentary archives surviving from a supposed Median administration. Not a single document has come down to us from their supposed domain, since multiple documents previously thought to have done so have been shown to be untrustworthy. There is also no contemporary correspondence between foreign kings and Median rulers, neither from Babylonia nor from any other country. In the entire 3000‐year history of the Ancient Near East, the Medes would thus have established the only “empire” from which no kind of textual documentation, neither from inside nor from outside, has survived to this day.
In addition to these negative findings, which result from careful reevaluation of existing evidence, the model of a geographically and chronologically limited political “confederation” dominated by Iranian peoples has been developed as an alternative to the notion of a Median “empire.” In the short term, this confederation likely played an important role in the immediate aftermath of the fall of the Neo‐Assyrian Empire, though it was never to develop comparable imperial structures. Indeed, a prime motivation of the members of this “confederation” is said to have been raids reaching as far as central Anatolia. There was no organized “rule” as such, no stable authority, as the “confederation” was in itself a short‐lived collective brought together by momentarily overlapping goals and ambitions. As such, it was more likely dominated by short‐term alliances and dependencies which would scarcely have endured beyond the next raiding season. If any coherent order of rule developed at all, as this theory goes, it could only have happened in the central Zagros region between Lake Urmia and Elam. The loose, mixed structure of the short‐termed Median confederation is also confirmed by the wording of the Nabonidus inscriptions, which carry clear connotations of disorder and chaos when dealing with the Medes. The Medes' appearance is characterized as a great flood and their military organization is described as a loose confederacy with primitive hierarchies. Significantly, this confederation revolving around a charismatic leader is circumscribed by the formulation of “Kings who march at his side” (Rollinger 2003a: p. 318). Moreover, particular verses in the Book of Jeremiah paint a similar picture by describing Median kings (plural!) as part of a larger federation (Liverani 2003).
It should be pointed out that, in all honesty, these arguments are likewise more probabilities than conclusive proof. There is room for interpretation, in any case: one may or may not agree on the applicability of the “secondary state formation” model and its implications for the Zagros region. Likewise, one may find the terminology of the Nabonidus inscriptions too vague or too obviously following Neo‐Babylonian preconceptions of Medes as “barbarians” to be helpful, or even doubt the historical value of biblical texts in general. The synonymity of “Medes” and “Persians” for Greeks could be explained in a different way: the relationship between Persians and Medes could still be conceived as one between vassals and overlords, and, finally, the new interpretation of Nabonidus Chronicle ii 16 could be challenged.
Still, taken together with negative evidence for a Median “empire,” the evidence presented in favor of a loose confederation of peoples does seem to comprise a sustainable basis for this hypothesis. It must, of course, remain a hypothesis, but one with a relatively coherent and dense line of argumentation that is more plausible than previous explanations.
REFERENCES
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