and the men sent to Prison Island at Coteau-du-Lac. Coincidently, fifteen rebel officers had just been retaken after escaping from Île Perrot, an isolated island northeast of Montreal that had previously been considered entirely secure.39
Powell wrote to the governor from Niagara on November 13 with contradictory reports about the bateaux left by Ross at Ganaghsaraga. He had initially heard that both the sloop Caldwell and Ross’s boats had fallen into rebel hands; however, Tice calmed those fears by reporting that he had removed eleven boats from Ganaghsaraga to Oswego and destroyed the rest for want of hands to bring them off. This report was at odds with Tice’s earlier report to Guy Johnson that he and some Butler’s Rangers had been forced to repair one miserable old bateau in order to get away from Ganaghsaraga. Both of Tice’s accounts disagreed with David Hill’s account that he had destroyed all the boats. Perhaps there been a second depot that Hill had not found and Tice had gone back to retrieve those boats? Whatever the case, the Caldwell was still in British hands and the original rumour was quashed.
Thirteen Butler’s Rangers reported missing after the Canada Creek skirmish had joined the Indians at Oswego and Powell thought that more would do so.
This same day, Surgeon John Kerr, 2KRR, submitted his account for medical services rendered to the Oswegatchie and Mississauga Indians on Ross’s expedition.40
In a private letter dated November 15, Haldimand confessed to Riedesel his deep concern over the fate of Cornwallis:
By the latest intelligence, and on which I can rely, I am assured that Lord Cornwallis had been taken prisoner with his whole army, the news of which was received by express at Forts Johnsto[w]n and Arabia, the 19th of last month. The person who reports this [Lieutenant Walter Sutherland] … was on the 30th two miles from Fort Johnsto[w]n, and from that neighborhood at noon of that day heard rifle salutes of joy. He sent trusted persons into the two forts who reported … that the salutes were in celebration for the capture of Lord Cornwallis. If the news is true, how much misery can we expect in the coming days, in the long uncertainty — days seeming like years.... In that case I will fear that the Vermonters will but join [the rebels.]41
In a November 16 letter to Brigadier Powell, Haldimand praised Ross and expanded on the themes of poor native support and the overwhelming number of rebels encountered. “His conduct … gives me much satisfaction, as it seemed to be directed with prudence and enterprise. And notwithstanding the very superior force which were at all times opposed to him, had he been well supported, even by the few Indians Colonel Johnson sent with him, there is every reason to believe that the rebels would have severely felt the incursion and Major Ross’s loss would have been in a great measure prevented.” He reported that Ross would personally inform Powell of “the shameful, dastardly conduct of a people who cost Government so many thousands yearly.” The governor wrote he was unable to think “of the subject with any degree of patience” and expected Powell and Butler to paint his displeasure in the highest colours. “I desire you will do it fully, and what is [of] more consequence, let them feel it in the distribution of presents.”
He offered condolences for Butler’s loss of his eldest offspring, adding the conventional expression of sympathy that John must be proud of “the honourable cause in which his son fell.”
In the second letter to Powell that day, the governor dismissed any thought of Richard Wilkinson being commissioned in the Rangers. First, Wilkinson had “left and returned to the Service to suit the convenience of his private circumstances,” and second, the Rangers’ officers, who were having difficulty reconciling a few experienced Regular officers being put over them as captains, would “think it hard that an Officer of the Indian Dept, inferior to them in every respect to rank, should be so promoted.” Contrary to the governor’s expressions, it is entirely possible that the Rangers’ officers would have welcomed Wilkinson into the corps, as he was well-regarded and scarcely a stranger, unlike the other candidates who were being thrust upon the regiment.42
That same day, Powell wrote the governor to report that he had sent an express to Detroit to recall Captain Brant and been advised that there was some doubt that the Mohawk would recover the full use of his leg, which had been infected from a wound said to have been inflicted by the famous Indian Department lieutenant, Simon Girty. Whatever the cause, Brant would have to spend the winter in the west.43
This same busy day, the governor sent Ross his “perfect approbation of your proceedings throughout your late expedition.” His losses were “inconsiderable, which must justly be greatly attributed to your Prudence and Activity, as well as to the Spirited Behaviour of the Troops under your Command, whose efforts, I am sorry to find were so ill seconded by the Indians. A circumstance, I shall not fail minutely to enquire into.” Even Butler’s death was laid at the feet of the natives. “Had the Indians done their duty, it is probable this misfortune … would have been prevented.”
As Carleton Island’s garrison had been depleted, the governor would send one hundred men with officers and non-commissioned officers in proportion. Although unstated, these were Ross’s men of 2KRR who had been training in the lower province. A letter from Mathews reported that three hundred stand of arms had been already sent upriver, although he warned there would be a delay in shipping the requested medicines. As it transpired, severe weather prevented the concentration of the battalion. While the promised issue of arms raised hopes that 2KRR would finally be properly equipped as infantry, Ross’s complaint the following March revealed that more Indian Trade fusils had been sent, rather than military pattern muskets.
An Indian Department fusil and land (Infantry) Pattern muskets. Long and short Pattern muskets (forty-six- and forty-two-inch barrels, respectively) were on issue to the British infantry of the Canadian Army. Both Patterns were robustly made and mounted a socket bayonet with a fifteen-to-seventeen-inch triangular blade, which was the primary assault weapon. In contrast, the Indian Trade fusil was a lightweight, smaller-calibre firearm unable to mount a bayonet.
Surgeon Wasmus of the Brunswick Dragoons returned to his regiment on November 12 after being exchanged in Boston and making a remarkably hazardous voyage from Halifax. He had lost all of his baggage and expensive medicines in a shipwreck on the St. Lawrence River and was fortunate to have escaped with his life. Having arrived at Sorel a virtual pauper, he was pleased to recover pieces of his luggage he had left there in 1777 before embarking on the Burgoyne expedition, but, upon opening them, he discovered that his colleagues had thoroughly looted his coffer and portmanteau and replaced his clothing with dirty, worn-out stockings, shirts, and trousers. Obviously, he had not been expected to return.44
On November 22, Ross reported new information about the boats left at Lake Oneida:
The parties and provisions left at Canasagara and Oswego are safely arrived by the precautions I had taken…. Seven bateaux were obliged to be left behind at Canasagara, which I ordered to be destroyed as they were old and rotten. I had them merely patched up for the expedition, being unwilling to take good bateaux which were then so much wanted for the transport of provisions. All the best have been brought to this place and Niagara, there are still five left at Oswego which, owing to the season being so far advanced, I have declined sending for them until spring. They are also very old and crazy.
Two of the Royal Yorkers “sent out as Spies just before the Action at Johnstown” had returned to
