equally in political leadership in the Black community). Harnois’ (2014) own research, based on analysis of data from the U.S. General Social Survey (GSS) and Simien’s National Black Feminist Study, reveals similar results. She found that the majority of Black men reject the superiority of “traditional” gender assignments. She found that GSS data indicate Black and White men support gender equality at similar levels which have increased over time. Harnois (2014) found that data from the National Black Feminist Study reaffirm Black men’s support for gender justice. She notes, however, that believing Black women should share equally in political leadership in the Black community did not necessarily translate to supporting an increase in the number of Black clergywomen, or supporting Black feminist groups (Harnois, 2014). Harnois (2014) work demonstrates that empirical data fly in the face of dominant representations of Black males; the data show most Black men are strong supporters of gender equality. It’s an understated reality. She makes the point that classifying positive or progressive images of Black males as exceptional ultimately justifies the continued degradation of Black males. Like White supremacy, some versions of progressive masculinity are used to sell the notion that most Black males are in some way inadequate. Moreover, although the majority of Black males support gender equality, the minority who do not is no less substantial or significant. Nevertheless, Harnois delivers a sobering foreshadow of how the Black male voice is received. She states, “the controlling images of Black men have been so effective that, even when confronted with evidence to the contrary, people often find reason to dismiss, minimize, or negate the existence of Black men who embrace feminist ideals” (Harnois, 2014, p. 97).
An equal erasure of non-homophobic Afrocentric and Black Nationalist males occurs in the research as well, leading to broad generalizations about entire categories of Black men. What are the ←78 | 79→functional consequences of this erasure? The most immediate outcome is a separation of Black thought from Black men’s progressive traditions. As a consequence, progressive Black masculinity is often framed as something completely new. This prevailing skewed analysis of Black male histories implies that men have no legacy of struggle for gender equity, or only a marginal legacy of struggle to draw upon. However, Black men can and must draw on their own traditions as they engage in imagining new ways forward.
In moving forward, there is a call for progressive masculinity defined by Mutua (2006a) as “the unique and innovative performances of the masculine self that on the one hand personally eschew and ethically and actively stand against social structures of domination. On the other hand, they validate and empower Black humanity, in all its variety, as a part of the diverse and multicultural humanity of other in the global family” (p. 4). A challenge to the concept of progressive masculinity is that it may be based on some very problematic assumptions. First, there is an embedded assumption that the characteristics it promotes are new among Black males. Second, it also assumes some generalizations about Black males as hegemonic. For example, Mutua (2006b) asserts that the central feature of masculinity is the domination and oppression of others including women, children, and other subordinated men. The historic and present genealogy of Black manhood and masculinities do not support this claim when applied to Black men.
Recommendations for Research on Black Males
Majors and Billson (1992) recommend that any efforts to conduct research and formulate social policy for Black males be clear about three key issues. “First, exploring Black responses to oppression must be cast in terms of cultural distinctiveness. Second, recognition of cultural distinctiveness cannot be construed as a way to avoid making substantial changes in the structure of our society. And third, social policies and programs must have the full support of all segments of society, not just those who have fallen victim to its fundamental failings” (Majors & Billson, 1992, p. 116). In fact, Lemelle (2010) critiques gender scholars such as Anderson (2000) for focusing too much on fault finding with Black males, going so far as to place all of the burden of social change on males without shifting any of the burden to women or more powerful groups in society. According to Lemelle (2010), some literature frames Black women as benevolent and innocent in gender matters relative to Black men.
Supporting and Advancing Healthy Black Manhood and Masculinity
Interventions, programs, and rites guiding Black boys into manhood should be supportive to them as individuals, contributors to their families, and collective Black community advancement. This is important given the one-dimensional images of manhood than many young Black males are exposed to and expected to take on (Majors & Billson, 1992). Under dangerous conditions, some Black males move from boyhood to manhood under the guidance of manhood values such as thrill-seeking, sexual conquest, and toughness (Majors & Billson, 1992). The radical school of thought in Black psychology rejects the premises of Western psychology and resituates thought on the cultural terms of people of African descent with an orientation toward psychic and political liberation. Black psychologists in the radical school of thought in Black psychology have advocated for Black men to embrace an ideology of manhood and masculinity that is congruent with their own history and culture (African and African American).
These interventions are rooted in the principle of transformation. Malcolm X is spoken of and written about as being symbolic or representative of Black manhood and masculinity (Hoston, 2014). His life itself is a symbol of Black male transformation. Malcolm X goes from being a street hustler to a Black Nationalist leader. He also represents the hope for transformation among contemporary Black males. The notion of transformation is a major principle in both pre-colonial African and contemporary ←79 | 80→efforts at supporting prosocial manhood and masculinities among Black males. The manhood rites of passage of African societies provided clearly defined roles for young men (Franklin, 2004). For the past 30 years, African American scholars have been advocating for these programs and some (Nathan Hare, Wade Nobles, Michael Connor) actually developing, African-styled rites of passage programs for Black boys—adjusted to the American context (Langley, 1994).
What Interventions Currently Accomplish
Typically, intervention programs provide participating Black males with positive models of Black manhood. Providing such models reaffirms manhood so that young Black males don’t have to affirm it by engaging in risk behavior (Brewster et al., 2014). According to Caldwell and White (2014), interventions should provide Black males with a range of affirming options and images of manhood and masculinity that are prosocial and healthy. According to psychologist Nathan Hare, the goal of manhood programs is to provide Black males with the psychological requirements of Black manhood during preadolescence and adolescence (White & Cones, 1999, p. 254). Manhood training programs or modern Black male rites of passage facilitate this transition while teaching Black males Afrocentric values such as responsibility, personal mastery, respect for elders, and commitment to family and community (White & Cones, 1999, p. 254). They also foster the acquisition of knowledge including African history and culture; appropriate roles for fathers, husbands, brothers, and sons; how to develop positive male–female relationships and adopt appropriate sex roles; how to make positive contributions to one’s family and community; and how to resist peer pressure and make personal decisions (Majors, 1994). Some rites of passage designed for Black males are based on the Nguzo Saba, consisting of the seven core values of Kwanzaa as created by Maulana Karenga: Umoja (unity), Kujichagulia (self-determination), Ujima (collective work and responsibility), Ujamaa (cooperative economics), Nia (purpose), Kuumba (creativity), and Imani (faith) (Majors et al., 1994).
Afrocentric manhood places emphasis on spiritual beliefs, the importance of human relationships, and the synthesis of opposites as a way of resolving conflict. As the essence of beingness, the spirit can be a source of purpose, power, and ethic for human endeavors. White and Cones (1999) assert that spirituality can be used to promote the principles of harmony and interconnectedness over control and domination. Harmony, an extension of the communal value orientation, emphasizes cooperative relationships over individualism. White and Cones (1999) explain that whereas the Euro-masculine ideal encourages polarities such as male/female, Black/White, conservative/liberal, and pro-abortion/antiabortion, Afrocentric values encourage the synergy
