Black Mens Studies. Serie McDougal III
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Black males arrive at their understandings of manhood and masculinity through various means. While mainstream society compels Black males to adopt self-destructive forms of masculinity, it is critical that Black families and communities continue to resist the development of reactionary manhood and masculinity. This can be done by understanding the role that power plays in misguiding Black males while also understanding how power can be channeled through institution building. Black manhood programs and initiatives are well-positioned to instill healthy pathways to manhood, and masculinity expressions that represent their uniqueness, creativity, and community functionality.
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The close relationships that Black males engage in have strong influences on their health and success. Additionally, those relationships represent Black males’ contributions to Black families and communities. Not enough is known about these relationships. Moreover, much of the research is focused on problems within intimate relationships and ignores solutions to the challenges that Black males face in their relationships. Recognizing the close and intimate relationships Black males have with one another, their environments, and other people facilitates an understanding of health and success of Black males and Black families and communities. Black male friendships and peer relationships are rooted in the legacy of pre-colonial African traditions of brotherhood and fellowship. Building on their African heritage, Black males’ social and romantic relations are also shaped by their unique cultural creations, struggles for freedom, and struggles with oppressive anti-Black male people, institutions, and ideas. The focus of this chapter is exploring Black males’ relationships including sexual identities and experiences.
The Legacy of Black Brotherhood
Many Black boys share a common heritage, lifestyles, and survival strategies that, in part, explain their references to one another using familial terms such as brotha, bruh, cuz, homie, fam, blood, folks and peoples, etc. (White & Cones, 1999). Staples (1976) observed that Black males tend to treat other unrelated Black males as kin to various degrees. This familial outlook is an extension of Black males’ traditions of brotherhood. African ethnic groups developed a variety of elaborate rituals and rites to socialize males into age grades or peer groups that defined themselves as lifelong brotherhoods. These groups provided mentors and leaders who took responsibility for younger boys in their communities (Collins & Burns, 2007; Mbuvi, 2009a; Shujaa, 2009). Formalized in-group rites of passage fostered the formation of male friendships starting in adolescence (Lussana, 2016). Male rituals consisting of learning activities and difficult trials and tests were expected to draw young males together into lifelong ←85 | 86→relationships. As Franklin (2004) explains, African American models of friendship are extensions of African manhood rituals, and the relationships formed between unrelated African men from different ethnic groups during slavery. During the period of enslavement, resistance, and resilience, unrelated Black children learned from their elders to refer to one another using the language of family and to act accordingly. Enslaved Black parents taught their children to see and refer to other enslaved Black children as brother and sister. This instilled the principle that they were all part of a community that was responsible for each other (Mintz, 2004, p. 26). Language symbolizing family bonds has changed over time. Enslaved Blacks typically preferred to refer to one another as “bro” and “sis” rather than “nigger” (Roberts, 1989, p. 181). Today many Black males continue this tradition.
In the American context, Black male’s friendships with one another have been shaped in the crucible of spiritual, social, and political struggle. Black abolitionist Frederick Douglass spoke of the importance of his fellow enslaved friends during his time in bondage.
For much of the happiness, or absence of misery, with which I passed this year, I am indebted to the genial temper and ardent friendship of my brother slaves. They were every one of them manly, generous, and brave; yes, I say they were brave, and I will add fine looking. It is seldom the lot of any to have truer and better friends than were the slaves on this farm. It was not uncommon to charge slaves with great treachery toward each other, but I must say I never loved, esteemed, or confided in men more than I did in these. They were as true as steel, and no band of brothers could be more loving. There were no mean advantages taken of each other, no tattling, no giving each other bad names to Mr. Freeland, and no elevating one at the expense of the other. We never undertook anything of any importance which was likely to affect each other, without mutual consultation. We were generally a unit, and moved together. (Douglass & Ruffin, 2001, p. 189)
Lussana’s (2016) narrative explains that the above testimonial from Frederick Douglass is an illustration of the importance friendship has played in the lives of African American men’s lives throughout their experience in the American context. Enslaved Black males created their own social networks and subculture of brotherhood. They recognized their interdependence and formed all-male networks of cooperation, masculine identity construction, and resistance (Lussana, 2016). They often formed friendships under duress and surveillance, and covertly met to spread news of rebellion, or even drink, gamble, and organize social events (Lussana, 2016). During slavery, Black males’ friendships provided them “hope, comfort, and relief from the drudgery and horrors of their enslavement” (Lussana, 2016, p. 99). Males trusted one another to share their conspiratorial thoughts and nurture their opposition to slavery. Running away during slavery was a gendered form of resistance—the vast majority of escapees were Black men (Lussana, 2016). Trust and loyalty were vital to Black male friendships given the consequences of sharing thoughts, plans, or generally unsanctioned activities could be fatal. Plus, male friendships were a buffer against oppression (Lussana, 2016). Henry Brown, a fugitive from enslavement said this about their importance:
We love our friends more than White people love theirs, for we risk more to save them from suffering. Many of our number who have escaped from bondage ourselves, have jeopardized our own liberty, in order to release our friends, and sometimes we have been retaken and made slaves again while endeavoring to rescue our friends from slavery’s iron jaws … A slave’s friends are all he possesses that is of value to him. He cannot read, he has no property, he cannot be a teacher of truth or a politician; he cannot be very religious, and all that remains to him, aside from the hope of freedom, that ever-present deity, forever inspiring him in his most terrible hours of despair, is the society of his friends. (Brown & Ernest, 2008, p. 34)
After slavery, Black male friendships were continued in formal men’s clubs, fraternal lodges, political parties, and businesses.
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Peer-Group Influence on Black Males
Black males are influenced by their peer groups at levels that change over the course of their lives for various reasons; some are common to males of other ethnic groups and some are unique. Peer groups are those individuals who share common interests, ages, and/or social positions. People usually select their close friends from their peer groups. During adolescence, males spend an increasing amount of unsupervised time with their peers who provide them with support and guidance (White & Cones, 1999). Most adolescents