Dirt. David R. Montgomery

Чтение книги онлайн.

Читать онлайн книгу Dirt - David R. Montgomery страница 15

Автор:
Жанр:
Серия:
Издательство:
Dirt - David R. Montgomery

Скачать книгу

is directly related to the cultivation of the slope lands for the production of food crops.”

      Rather than the axe, the plow had shaped the region's fate, as Lowder-milk observed. “Man has no control over topography and little over the type of rainfall which descends on the land. He can, however, control the soil layer, and can, in mountainous areas, determine quite definitely what will become of it.”3 Lowdermilk surmised how the early inhabitants of the province cleared the forest from easily tilled valley bottoms. Farms spread higher up the slopes as the population grew; Lowdermilk even found evidence for abandoned fields on the summits of high mountains. Viewing the effects of farming the region's steep slopes, he concluded that summer rains could strip fertile soil from bare, plowed slopes in just a decade or two. Finding abundant evidence for abandoned farms on slopes throughout the region, he concluded that the whole region had been cultivated at some time in the past. The contrast of a sparse population and extensive abandoned irrigation systems told of better days gone by.

      Lowdermilk had first recognized the impact of people on the lands of northern China at a virtually abandoned walled city in the upper Fen River valley. Surveying the surrounding land, he discerned how the first inhabitants occupied a forested landscape blanketed by fertile soil. As the population prospered and the town grew into a city, the forest was cleared and fields spread from the fertile valley bottoms up the steep valley walls. Top-soil ran off the newly cleared farms pushing up the mountain sides. Eventually, goats and sheep grazing on the abandoned fields stripped the remaining soil from the slopes. Soil erosion so undercut agricultural productivity that the people either starved or moved, abandoning the city.

      Lowdermilk estimated than a foot of topsoil had been lost from hundreds of millions of acres of northern China. He found exceptions where Buddhist temples protected forests from clearing and cultivation; there the exceptionally fertile forest soil was deep black, rich in humus. Lowdermilk described how farmers were clearing the remaining unprotected forest to farm this rich dirt, breaking up sloping ground with mattocks to disrupt tree roots and allow plowing. At first, plowing smoothed over new rills and gullies, but every few years erosion pushed farmers farther into the forest in search of fresh soil. Seeing how colonizing herbs and shrubs shielded the ground as soon as fields were abandoned, Lowdermilk blamed the loss of the soil on intensive plowing followed by overgrazing. He concluded that the region's inhabitants were responsible for impoverishing themselves—just too slowly for them to notice.

      Over the next three years, Lowdermilk measured erosion rates from protected groves of trees, on farm fields, and from fields abandoned because of erosion. He found that runoff and soil erosion on cultivated fields were many times greater than under the native forest. Farmers in the headwaters of the Yellow River were increasing the river's naturally high sediment load, exacerbating flooding problems for people living downstream.

      Today the cradle of Chinese civilization is an impoverished backwater lacking fertile topsoil, just like Mesopotamia and the Zagros Mountains. Both of these ancient civilizations started off farming slopes that lost soil, and then blossomed when agriculture spread downstream to floodplains that could produce abundant food if cultivated.

      Another commonality among agricultural societies is that the majority of the population lives harvest-to-harvest with little to no hedge against crop failure. Throughout history, our growing numbers kept pace with agricultural production. Good harvests tended to set population size, making a squeeze inevitable during bad years. Until relatively recently in the agricultural age, this combination kept whole societies on the verge of starvation.

      For over 99 percent of the last two million years, our ancestors lived off the land in small, mobile groups. While certain foods were likely to be in short supply at times, it appears that some food was available virtually all the time. Typically, hunting and gathering societies considered food to belong to all, readily shared what they had, and did not store or hoard—egalitarian behavior indicating that shortages were rare. If more food was needed, more was found. There was plenty of time to look. Anthropologists generally contend that most hunting and gathering societies had relatively large amounts of leisure time, a problem few of us are plagued with today.

      Farming's limitation to floodplains established an annual rhythm to early agricultural civilizations. A poor harvest meant death for many and hunger for most. Though most of us in developed countries are no longer as directly dependent on good weather, we are still vulnerable to the slowly accumulating effects of soil degradation that set the stage for the decline of once-great societies as populations grew to exceed the productive capacity of floodplains and agriculture spread to the surrounding slopes, initiating cycles of soil mining that undermined civilization after civilization.

      FOUR

images

       Graveyard of Empires

      To Protect Your Rivers, Protect Your Mountains

      EMPEROR YU (CHINA)

images

      IN THE EARLY 1840s NEW YORK LAWYER, adventurer, and amateur archaeologist John Lloyd Stephens found the ruins of more than forty ancient cities in dense Central American jungle. After excavating at Copán in Guatemala, traveling north to Mexico's ruined city of Pelenque, and returning to the Yucatán, Stephens realized that the jungle hid a lost civilization. His revelation shocked the American public. Native American civilizations rivaling those of the Middle East didn't fit into the American vision of civilizing a primeval continent.

      A century and a half after Stephens's discovery, I stood atop the Great Pyramid at Tikal and relived his realization that the surrounding hills were ancient buildings. The topography itself outlined a lost city, reclaimed by huge trees, roots locked around piles of hieroglyphic-covered rubble. Temple-top islands rising above the forest canopy were the only sign of an ancient tropical empire.

      With different characters and contexts, Tikal's story has been repeated many times around the world—in the Middle East, Europe, and Asia. The capital of many a dead civilization lives off tourism. Did soil degradation destroy these early civilizations? Not directly. But time and again it left societies increasingly vulnerable to hostile neighbors, internal sociopolitical disruption, and harsh winters or droughts.

      Although societies dating back to ancient Mesopotamia damaged their environments, dreams of returning to a lost ethic of land stewardship still underpin modern environmental rhetoric. Indeed, the idea that ancient peoples lived in harmony with the environment remains deeply rooted in the mythology of Western civilizations, enshrined in the biblical imagery of the garden of Eden and notions of a golden age of ancient Greece. Yet few societies managed to conserve their soil—whether deliberately or through traditions that defined how people treated their land while farms filled in the landscape and villages coalesced into towns and cities. With allowances for different geographical and historical circumstances, the story of many civilizations follows a pattern of slow, steady population growth followed by comparatively abrupt societal decline.

      Ancient Greece provides a classic example of too much faith in stories of lost utopias. Hesiod, a contemporary of Homer, wrote the earliest surviving description of Greek agriculture about eight centuries before the time of Christ. Even the largest Greek estates produced little more than needed to feed the master, his slaves, and their respective families. Like Ulysses' father, Laertes, the early leaders of ancient Greece worked in their own fields.

      Later, in the fourth century BC, Xenophon wrote a more extensive description of Greek agriculture. By then wealthy landowners employed superintendents to oversee laborers. Still, Xenophon advised proprietors to observe what their land could bear. “Before we commence the cultivation of the soil, we should notice what crops flourish best upon

Скачать книгу