177 Ibid., 147.
178 See Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke, Hitler’s Priestess (New York: New York University, 1998), 44–60.
179 Ibid., 77–75.
180 Ibid., 92–104.
181 Ibid., 117–21.
182 Coogan, Dreamer of the Day, 274.
183 Francis Parker Yockey, Imperium: The Philosophy of History and Politics (Sausalito, CA: Noontide Press, 1969), 5.
184 Ibid., 277.
185 Ibid., 307.
186 Ibid., 316.
187 Ibid., 201.
188 Ibid., 206.
189 Martin A. Lee, The Beast Reawakens: Fascism’s Resurgence from Hitler’s Spymasters to Today’s Neo-Nazi Groups and Right-Wing Extremists (New York: Routledge, 2000), 98.
190 Coogan, Dreamer of the Day, 192.
191 Quoted in Ibid., 175.
192 Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke, Black Sun (New York: New York University Press, 2002), 77.
193 Coogan, Dreamer of the Day, 177.
194 Goodrick-Clarke, Black Sun, 74.
195 Ibid., 83.
196 In one perhaps telling coincidence, the famous poster quoted above found its way to Northern Ireland, where it was printed by the Ulster Defense Force in a 1980 manifesto calling for eventual secession of Northern Ireland from the United Kingdom. an S. Wood, Crimes of Loyalty: A History of the UDA (Edinburgh, UK: University of Edinburgh, 2006), 80.
197 Goodrick-Clarke, Black Sun, 18.
198 Ian S. Wood, Crimes of Loyalty, 80.
199 Else Christensen, quoted in Mattias Gardell, Gods of the Blood: The Pagan Revival and White Separatism (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2003), 171.
200 Ibid.
201 Ibid., 175.
202 George Michael, Theology of Hate: A History of the World Church of the Creator (Gainsville, FL: University Press of Florida, 2008), 52.
203 Ibid., 53.
204 Ibid., 273.
205 Goodrick-Clarke, Black Sun, 262.
206 Gardell, Gods of the Blood, 278–79.
Chapter 3: A Brief History of Fascist Intrigue
The Politics of Subversion
Following the war, fascist activists including French ideologue Maurice Bardèche, Oswald Mosley, and Otto Strasser attempted to recreate a political movement from the ashes of their ideology. Otto looked to his brother Gregor, murdered in the Röhm purge of 1934, as “a martyr for the idea of a ‘German Revolution,’” positioning himself as the rightful alternative to Hitlerism. Nevertheless, both Gregor and Otto Strasser’s public statements were characterized by nebulous syncretism against a backdrop of demagoguery. Otto’s were as theoretically unimpressive but lacked the same cult following.207 By the mid-1950s, Strasser had become known for his “Third Position” ideology—an insistence on a common European path of national socialism beyond both capitalism (United States) and communism (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics). In Italy, Mussolini’s faithful formed the Movimento Sociale Italiano with many of Strasser’s ideas in mind, and the broader movement became known as the European Social Movement, with Strasser and Mosley as the two chief influences. However, an important split emerged right away.
The extremists broke with the moderates, believing that violence and explicit racism would bring about a reactionary revolution faster and more effectively than slow integration into the political and economic elites. Led by an Evolian war veteran named Pino Rauti and Stefano Delle Chiaie, their plan was not new despite their name—the Ordine Nuovo, or New Order. Infiltration, provocation, and even framing the left had become the norm for state agencies and extrastate groups. During the late nineteenth century, Tsarist spies infiltrated the Russian group Narodnaia Volia to turn the Narodnik toward anti-Semitism.208 During the interwar period, while the Popular Front in France debated supporting the Republicans against Franco in the Spanish Civil War, a group of French military officials formed the Cagoule (hooded cloak), which would conduct terrorist bombings and then blame them on the left to draw the public toward fascist sympathies.209 During the 1950s, such “dirty tricks” characterized France’s Organisation de l’Armée Secrète (OAS—Secret Army Organization), the colonial heir to the Cagoule.
Organized by high ranking members of the French military who sought to apply the lessons of the country’s defeat in Indochina (Vietnam) to the colonial mission in Algeria, the OAS’s founding members included former Wehrmacht, SS, and Vichy officials. They studied Maoist guerrilla techniques and leftists strategies in order to develop a “revolutionary war” model that they could apply to the fight against the national liberation movements in the colonies. They also helped engineer the 1958 crisis that brought Charles de Gaulle to power, and they were duly shocked when their heroic figure granted independence to Algeria. In response, they devoted their revolutionary war strategy to sabotaging and
