Kunze, pp. 293–295. An excerpt from Uncle Tom’s Cabin is the only sample of “foreign children’s books” popular with German children that Kunze includes in his anthology, the Schatzbehalter. See also Hürlimann, pp. 173–174.
7. Ibid., pp. 39–40. See also: Joseph Prestel, Handbuch der Jugendliteratur, Vol. 3. (Freiburg, Herder Verlag, 1933), pp. 53–56. A new edition of the German chapbooks is available in two volumes under the title Die Deutschen Volksbücher (Retold by Gustav Schwab). (Vienna, Verlag Lothar Borowsky, 1975). Originally, the Volksbücher were not anthologized but were sold individually as slim (and inexpensive) paperbacks.
8. Ibid., pp. 37–38.
9. See Wilhelm Grimm, “Vorrede” Kinder- und Hausmärchen (based on the Oelenberg manuscript) (Heidelberg, J. Lefftz, 1927). In this preface Wilhelm Grimm explained that in rewriting the folktales he followed as closely as possible the spirit of the original language. This intention frequently has been confused with the original recording of the tales that was done in complete loyalty to the oral tradition. See Christa Kamenetsky, “The Brothers Grimm: Folktale Style and Romantic Theories” Elementary English (March, 1974), 379–383.
10. Wolfgang Menzel, Die deutsche Literatur, Part I (Stuttgart, 1828), pp. 270–273. Cited by Kunze, p. 43.
11. Harvey Darton, Children’s Books in England: Five Centuries of Social Life Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1932), pp. 163–168. Darton explores in these pages the reasons why some British writers at that time did hold folktales in a rather low esteem. See Samuel F. Pickering, Jr., John Locke and Children’s Books in Eighteenth-Century England (Knoxville, The University of Tennessee Press, 1981), pp. 40–69, and Cornelia Meigs, et al., A Critical History of Children’s Literature (New York, Macmillan Co., 1953), pp. 97–98.
12. Tieck and Brentano were less concerned about loyalty to the spirit of the oral tradition than were the Brothers Grimm, and thus did not care too much about making a distinction between the folktale (Volksmärchen) based on the inherited oral tradition and the literary fairy tale or fantasy (Kunstmärchen) based largely on the writer’s imagination. Yet, in taking certain liberties and mixing the genres, they created a number of delightful fairy tales that appealed to all ages. See also: Jens Tisner, Kunstmärchen (Stuttgart, Metzler, 1977), pp. 4–5.
13. Hürlimann, pp. 1–41.
14. The very extensive preface of the Grimms’ longer combined folktale edition of 1950 includes an extensive bibliographical listing of all fairy tale editions that had appeared in other countries since 1812. See Kinder- und Hausmärchen gesammelt durch die Brüder Grimm. Erster Band, Grosse Ausgabe. (Göttingen, Verlag der Dieterichschen Buchhandlung, 1850) pp. i-iviii.
15. Herder always emphasized each nation’s obligation to realize from the outset its own potentialities and then to turn to humanity at large. Nobody could constructively contribute to humanity if he neglected to cultivate his own garden. See Johann Gottfried Herder, “Briefe zur Beförderung der Humanität” in Herders Sämmtliche Werke XVII, ed. Bernhard Suphan (Berlin, 1894), pp. 153–155. See also Oscar Walzel, German Romanticism (New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1967), Chapter I, and Robert Clark, Jr. Herder: His Life and Thought (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1965), chapters 3 and 5.
16. The correspondence of the Brothers Grimm gives us a good idea about the international connections. See, for example, Wilhelm Schoof, ed., Unbekannte Briefe der Brüder Grimm. Unter Ausnutzung des Grimmschen Nachlasses (Bonn, Athenäum, 1960). As an example of Jacob Grimm’s influence on Sir Walter Scott consult Sir Walter Scott, Letters on Demonology and Witchcraft (Wakefield, Yorkshire, S. R. Publishers, Ltd., 1968). In various notes Scott acknowledged the Grimms’ contributions to the study of folklore and mythology.
17. Irische Elfenmärchen (Leipzig, Fleischer Verlag, 1826). Croker was so delighted with Wilhelm Grimm’s essay “About the Fairies” that he himself translated it into English and affixed it to the second English edition of Fairy Legends. Thomas Keightley used it for his books on comparative mythology, and so did others after him. One of the finest essay collections pertaining to the Grimm Brothers’ contributions to international folklore research is Wilhelm v. Steinitz Fraenzer, ed., Jacob Grimm zur 100. Wiederkehr seines Todestages. Festschrift. (Berlin, Akademischer Verlag, 1968). For a treatment of The Grimm Brothers’ literary influence in Great Britain consult Violet A. Stockley, German Literature as Known in England: 1750–1830 (London: Routledge and Sons, 1929).
18. Hermann Gerstner, Die Brüder Grimm: Biographie mit 48 Bildern. (Gerabonn, Crailsheim, Hohenloher Verlag, 1970), pp. 203–220. For a comprehensive analysis of the relationship between the Grimms’ study of folklore and linguistics see also Carl Zuckmayer, Die Brüder Grimm: Ein deutscher Beitrag zur Humanität (Frankfurt, Suhrkamp, 1948) Zuckmayer showed that poetic and scientific theories were the strongest motivating factors in the work of the Brothers Grimm, although he did not deny some of their nationalistic inclinations and sentiments.
19. Hans Dahmen, Die nationale Idee von Herder bis Hitler (Cologne, Hermann Schaffstein Verlag, 1934) and Julius Petersen, “Die Sehnsucht nach dem Dritten Reich in deutscher Sage und Dichtung” Dichtung und Volkstum, Vol. 35, 1 (1934) pp. 18–40. (Two parts). This line of interpretation was representative of most critics during the Nazi Regime, as it corresponded to the official Party policy. See also: Heinz Kindermann, Dichtung und Volkheit: Grundzüge einer neuen Literaturwissenschaft (Berlin, Volksverlag, 1937).
20. Even during the time of the Romantic movement itself we may observe a movement from literature to politics. The Jena group is usually associated with the first, the Heidelberg group with the second type. See Walzel, pp. 140–144.
21. Friedrich Ludwig Jahn indicated in his earliest Deutsches Volkstum (German Ethnicity) which appeared in 1810, that the German folk community was a reality within the German folk state. Like Arndt, however, he rejected a centralized control. See Hans Kohn, The Mind of Germany: The Education of a Nation (New York, Scribner’s, 1960), pp. 124–126. See also: Friedrich Meinecke, The German Catastrophe: Reflections and Recollections (Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1950), p. 215.
22. Georg Mosse, The Crisis of German Ideology: Intellectual Origins of the Third Reich (New York, Grosset and Dunlap, 1964), p. 153.
23. Ernst Moritz Arndt, Märchen und Jugenderinnerungen in Werke ed. by Leffson and W. Steffens, Vols. I and III (Berlin, Bony, 1913). Other references to Arndt’s fairy tales in Tismar, p. 32.
24. Kohn, pp. 69–78, and Paul Kluckhorn, Das Ideengut der deutschen Romantik (Tübingen, Wunderlich Verlag, 1961), pp. 60–101.
25. Mosse, pp. 14–30.
26. Wilhelm Heinrich Riehl, Die Naturgeschichte des deutschen Volkes, ed. by Dr. Hans Naumann and Dr. Rolf Haller (Leipzig, Reclam, 1934.) See in particular the preface pointing out the “relevance” of Riehl to the Nazi ideology. Also: Julius Petersen, Die Wesensbestimmung der deutschen Romantik (Leipzig, Dürr, 1926), pp. 9–10. Petersen explains the more recent preference for Jahn, Arndt, and Goerres over German Romantic writers that were more concerned with literature and poetry per se. This preference foreshadows the selective approach of Nazism to the Romantic period and Volkish writers in general.
27. Ferdinand Tönnies, Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft: Grundbegriffe der reinen Soziologie (Berlin, Volks-Verlag, 1926). See also: Ralf Dahrendorf, “Soziologie und Nationalsozialismus” in Andreas Flitner, ed., Deutsches Geistesleben und Nationalsozialismus. Eine Vortragsreihe der Universität Tübingen (Tübingen, Rainer Wunderlich Verlag, 1965), pp.
