The Kingship of Jesus in the Gospel of John. Sehyun Kim

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The Kingship of Jesus in the Gospel of John - Sehyun Kim

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55). In addition, Cassidy focuses on the final form of the Gospel, which was copied and circulated within the early Christian Community in the Roman Empire (See Cassidy, John’s Gospel, 1–5). However, it is hard to deny “Christian churches were . . . the primary intended readers of the Gospels. It is within the realms of possibility that any given Evangelist envisaged a broader readership, but these readers would have been very close to his own community in both geographical and theological terms” (Sim, “Gospels,” 27).

      Roloff upholds the systematic promotion of imperial cults throughout the empire during the reign of Domitian (Roloff, Revelation of John, 9–10). Boring argues that there was an increase in imperial cults under Domitian, which came from above as well as from the populace that led to this development (Boring, Revelation, 21). However, this view is disputable between scholars in the discipline of New Testament studies (not usually working with the archaeological artifacts) and those in Roman studies (not usually analyzing early Christian literature) because of their different research area (see Friesen, Imperial Cults, 3; Smallwood, Jews, 372–74, 376–85). Scholars in Roman studies argue that Nero and Domitian were no more offensive than others were. Particularly, Fantin says that the negative portrayal of Domitian seems to be exaggerated, and that there is little evidence for a major persecution under Domitian (Fantin, “Lord of the Entire World,” 123, 185; see also Smallwood, “Domitian’s Attitude,” 1–2, 7–9; Collins, Crisis and Catharsis, 69–73; Thompson, Book of Revelation, 104–7; Friesen, Imperial Cults, 147–51). Collins says that the evidence for the persecution of Christians as Christians under Domitian is rather slight in non-Christian texts. Smallwood also argues that the early Christian tradition about Domitian as the second persecutor is by its probable apologetic function doubtful.

      In spite of their exaggeration about Domitian, it is reasonable that Domitianic persecution was laid to Domitian’s charge. On this, Frend argues with evidence from different sources that “when one discounts the senatorial prejudices of Tacitus and Suetonius, the Emperor stands out as a shrewd but jealous-minded ruler, a strong upholder of public right and the state religion, whose prejudices and fears for his own safety increased with age” (Frend, Martyrdom and Persecution, 213–14). In addition, according to Eusebius (Hist. eccl. 3.33.2), there were partial attacks in various provinces, although there was no open persecution. Because relations between the Jews and the majority of educated Romans went from bad to worse, the Christians regarded as Jews were not an exception (Smallwood, Jews, 381). In a letter written to the Corinthians by Clement of Rome (ca. 96) (I Clement 1:1, The sudden and successive misfortunes and accidents; 59:4ff, Rescue those of our number in distress . . . release our captives), Domitianic persecution is alluded to (see Jones, “Christianity,” 1033–34). Although he had not persecuted indiscriminately as Nero did, Domitian singled out individual Christians. Domitianic persecution was “a succession of short, sharp, assaults—a series of sudden and repeated misfortunes” as Clement wrote (see Barnard, “Clement of Rome,” 251–60). In addition, the Jewish tax (“didrachmon tax”) increased due to financial stringency might have become a heavy burden in psychological, religious, and economic terms as well (Domitian enforced stringent measures for its collection), and when in natural disasters the Christians were treated harshly by the Romans, they felt that they were under persecution. Moreover, under Domitian for the first time people in public documents began to swear by the genius of the living emperor. This shows that the time of Domitian rule was difficult for

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