On the State of Egypt. Alaa Al aswany

      What Do Egyptians Expect

      from ElBaradei?

      The political system in Egypt is facing a veritable crisis because President Mubarak (to whom we wish a speedy recovery) may have to retire at any moment and because the regime, despite its great efforts to market Gamal Mubarak, has completely failed to convince Egyptians that the son is worthy of the presidency. On top of that, most Egyptians fundamentally reject the idea of hereditary succession, whether for Gamal Mubarak or anyone else, and insist on their natural right to choose their rulers. At the same time Dr. Mohamed ElBaradei has succeeded in portraying himself as a real leader for Egyptians in the battle for change. The broad popular support ElBaradei now enjoys is a rare political phenomenon seen only a few times in our history, with Saad Zaghloul, Gamal Abdel Nasser, and Mustafa al-Nahhas. Egyptians from various intellectual and political trends have come together in support of ElBaradei—Islamists, Copts, socialists, liberals, Nasserists, Wafdists, and, most important of all, millions of ordinary Egyptians who have seen in ElBaradei a leader who embodies their dreams of justice and freedom. Given the crisis in the system and the widespread support for ElBaradei, it might be useful for us to ask what Egyptians expect from ElBaradei. In brief the answer is as follows:

      First, Dr. ElBaradei held a senior international position as director general of the International Atomic Energy Agency and such people do not stop working when they retire from so high a position. As soon as they leave their posts they receive a barrage of invitations to give lectures and take part in various international activities. Egyptians expect that Dr. ElBaradei will eventually settle in Egypt and give priority to leading a national campaign, because a leader who defends the rights of the nation must always remain on the field of battle. I trust that Dr. ElBaradei will remember what Mustafa al-Nahhas did when he took over the leadership of the Wafd Party in 1927. At the time he was a big well-known lawyer but as soon as he became party leader he withdrew from legal practice, closed his office, and made his famous remark: “Today I have become an advocate for the whole nation, so I can no longer defend individuals in court.”

      Second, before the appearance of ElBaradei several national movements for change had sprung up, the most important of which was the Kefaya movement, which deserves most of the credit for breaking the barrier of fear for Egyptians. The Kefaya members who defied the emergency law, who were hit on the head by riot police, and who put up with detention and torture are the ones who won back for the whole nation the right to demonstrate and go on strike. They are the true fathers of the protest movements that have now proliferated from one end of Egypt to the other, although all movements for change in Egypt, including the Kefaya movement, have suffered from having weak links with the broad masses of Egyptians. But in ElBaradei’s case the opposite has happened. ElBaradei’s popularity began in the street and then moved to the elite. The people who made ElBaradei popular are not big intellectuals and politicians, but the tens of thousands of ordinary Egyptians who like him and trust him. This widespread popular support for ElBaradei imposes on him an obligation to remain always among the people. Dr. ElBaradei’s entourage now includes some of the best and most sincere Egyptian nationalists, but the door must remain open to all. Dr. ElBaradei has become a leader for all Egyptians, whatever their political inclination, so any Egyptian has the right to meet Dr. ElBaradei and convey his or her ideas to him and Dr. ElBaradei has a duty to listen. Dr. ElBaradei’s success in his enormous task will always remain dependent on keeping in touch with ordinary simple people.

      Third, by announcing the formation of the National Association for Change, Dr. ElBaradei made a shrewd political move, and I expect that hundreds of thousands, maybe millions, of Egyptians will join this association, though it is not yet open for membership. People in Egypt and abroad want to join ElBaradei but they do not know what to do. They must be given more of a chance to take part, beyond writing the endorsements now being collected. The broad support ElBaradei enjoys has gathered around him a group of the best minds and talents in Egypt, and they are all looking forward to the moment when they will be called on to perform any mission for the sake of their country. We expect Dr. ElBaradei, as soon as he returns from abroad, quickly to choose a headquarters for the association, start enrolling members, and set up specialist committees to take advantage of all this talent in order to achieve the reform we all desire.

      Fourth, we expect Dr. ElBaradei to be ready for violent confrontation with the current regime. ElBaradei has gone beyond the role of political reformer to the role of political leader, and it would be natural for the despotic regime to defend its privileges with great ferocity. So there is no point in avoiding or postponing confrontation because it is inevitable. It has already started: as in the last week one of ElBaradei’s supporters, Dr. Taha Abdel Tawab, was summoned to the State Security Prosecution headquarters in the province of Fayoum, where he was stripped, beaten, tortured, and humiliated in a horrendous and inhumane manner. This crime, which takes place daily in State Security offices, takes on new significance this time. It is a message from the regime to those who demand change that no one is immune from abuse by the authorities even if they enjoy a high position in society. Dr. ElBaradei is aware of that and when he was in Korea he issued a press statement strongly condemning the assault on Dr. Taha Abdel Tawab and declaring his full solidarity. But this horrendous incident is just the beginning of the war against ElBaradei, a war in which the regime will use every weapon, legitimate and illegitimate, in order to eliminate Egyptians’ hopes of freedom. We expect Dr. ElBaradei to use his extensive experience of international law to prosecute the executioners who detain the innocent and use torture, and bring them to trial before international courts.

      Fifth, from the start Dr. ElBaradei has firmly refused to be a presidential candidate through one of the recognized political parties. He has also refused to submit an application to form a new party to the Parties Committee. Last week news leaked about a secret deal between the regime, the Tagammu and Wafd Parties, and the Muslim Brotherhood by which they would refrain from supporting ElBaradei in exchange for some seats in the People’s Assembly in the next rigged elections. This unfortunate deal shows the level to which some politicians in Egypt have sunk, but it equally proves to us how wise and far-sighted ElBaradei was when he refused to deal with them. This has enabled him to retain his clean image among the public, away from the corruption of the regime and of those who pretend to oppose it while in secret colluding with the regime against the rights of the people. Egyptians look forward to Dr. ElBaradei sticking to his principled position, rejecting any kind of negotiation or compromises. What Egyptians are asking for is not a limited adjustment in policies but comprehensive, radical reform. Every Egyptian who signs an endorsement for ElBaradei and for changing the constitution is at the same time saying he or she is withdrawing confidence from the current system. So there is no point in appeals and in composing petitions, because rights are not granted but won. Our ability to bring about justice is always tied to our willingness to make sacrifices for its sake. A hundred eloquent petitions to the regime will not convince officials of the virtues of democracy, but if a million demonstrators went out on the streets . . . only then would the regime find itself finally forced to answer demands for reform. While all Egypt awaits the return of Dr. ElBaradei from his trip abroad, I thought it my duty to convey to him what is going through the minds of the Egyptians who love him, have pinned great hopes on him, and are fully confident—as I am—that Mohamed ElBaradei will never let them down.

      Democracy is the solution.

       March 15, 2010