to this: we must either have a British North America Federation or else be absorbed into the American Federation.” Indeed, just as Confederation was becoming a reality, American expansionist designs included the purchase of Alaska from the Russians for US $7.2 million. American Senator Charles Sumner boasted that the purchase was “the visible step to the occupation of the whole North American continent.” Perhaps Confederation had arrived in the nick of time.
The final battleground for Confederation was England, where the Imperial Parliament would be asked to pass the British North America Act. But first, the “London Conference” was convened on December 4, 1866 to hold hearings on the matter. Macdonald was chosen conference chair. Sir Frederick Rogers of the Colonial Office commented on Macdonald’s mastery at nation-building. “Macdonald was the ruling genius and spokesman and I was very greatly struck by his power of management and adroit ness. . . . the slightest divergence from the narrow line already agreed on in Canada was watched for—here by the French and there by the English—as eager dogs watch a rat hole; a snap on one side might have provoked a snap on the other; and put an end to the accord. He stated and argued the case with cool, ready fluency, while at the same time you saw that every word was measured, and that while he is making for a point ahead, he was never for a moment unconscious of any of the rocks among which he had to steer.” To secure agreement at the London Conference, a limited number of amendments to the Québec resolutions was required. Specifically, the Senate design was altered, enabling the Queen to appoint three or six additional senators, representing the three divisions of Canada. The central government was also given responsibility to protect the rights of minorities in education by invoking “remedial” legislation if required.
The style given to Canada was also debated. While Macdonald preferred the prefix of “Kingdom,” British officials worried it would annoy American “Republican” sensibilities. The Colonial Office proposed the designation “Dominion”: “And he shall have dominion also from sea to sea” from Psalm 72, verse 8—which was readily accepted.
Despite Joseph Howe’s pleas to delay legislation until after the Nova Scotia election, the bill establishing Canada was first read in the British House of Lords on February 12, 1867 and passed four days later. Macdonald commented that the bill received the same consideration “as if it were a private Bill uniting two or three English parishes.” Nonetheless, the Colonial Secretary, Lord Carnarvon, remarked, “We are laying the foundation of a great State, perhaps one which at a future date may overshadow this country.” In addition to being knighted, Macdonald was chosen by Queen Victoria, in advance of an election, to be Canada’s first prime minister. He was, of course, the logical choice. He had carried the day on matters of vision with abundant political skill. And his peers had chosen him to chair the London Conference. This latter choice was the test the Queen used to identify the man who possessed the confidence of a Parliament that did not yet exist. Being chosen prime minister before Canada’s first election gave Macdonald and his Liberal-Conservative colleagues an enormous advantage that they did not fail to exploit.
In pre-Confederation days, the Province of Canada had been governed by co-leaders, a premier from one part and a deputy from the other. In choosing Macdonald, however, Governor General Lord Monck set a different course: “In future, it shall be distinctly understood that the position of First Minister shall be held by one person, who shall be responsible to the Governor General for the appointment of other ministers, and that the system of dual first ministers, which has hitherto prevailed, shall be put an end to.”
When John A. Macdonald was sworn in as Canada’s first prime minister on July 1, 1867, a national holiday was declared. But the slow and sometimes painful work of nation-building was only just beginning.
CHAPTER 2
FORGING A NATION
I am, as you may fancy, exceedingly desirous of carrying the elections again; not for any personal object, because I’m weary of the whole thing, but Confederation is only yet in the gristle, and it will require five years more before it hardens into bone.
The first Canadian federal election took place between August 7 and September 20, 1867 with a respectable voter turnout of 73.1 percent. Macdonald and his Liberal-Conservative party took 100 of the 180 seats, winning majorities in Ontario and Québec, but taking only 4 of 34 seats in New Brunswick and Nova Scotia. New Brunswick went mostly Liberal, while Joseph Howe and his Anti-Confederate party won 18 of 19 seats in Nova Scotia. George Brown, unofficial leader of the Liberal party, lost in his constituency. The speech from the throne in Canada’s first Parliament was read by Governor General Lord Monck on November 7, 1867.
Prime Minister Macdonald took his new responsibilities in stride. Along the road to Confederation he had acquired a new wife. At the London Conference, Macdonald had a chance encounter with Susan Agnes Bernard, the sister of Hewitt Bernard, Macdonald’s deputy when he had been attorney general for Canada West. Agnes had been the object of Macdonald’s affections for some time. First promising Hewitt that he would reform his drinking habits, John A. Macdonald, fifty-two, and Agnes Bernard, thirty one, were wed at St. George’s Church in London on February 16, 1867, just six months before the election. His wife commented in her diary on how well her husband dealt with the election stress: “He can throw off the weight of business in a wonderfully short time. He has a good heart and amiable temper which are the great secrets of the success.”
Again in this election, Macdonald used his sense of humour to charm the voters and unsettle his opponents. He stood on a manure spreader to address a group of farmers and quipped, “This is the first time I’ve stood on a Liberal platform.” Accused of being drunk at another public event, Macdonald made no effort to hide his lack of sobriety, and added, “The people would prefer to see John A. drunk than my opponent sober.”
Macdonald’s first major challenge was to win the support of skeptical Nova Scotians for their new country. In the Nova Scotia provincial election, anti-Confederates won 36 out of 38 seats. In the early days of Confederation, the Halifax Legislature passed a series of resolutions calling for Nova Scotia to leave the Union, appointing Joseph Howe its chief negotiator. The maneuver was designed to incite Nova Scotians and give them hope their crusade would be successful. But Macdonald steadfastly refused to discuss dissolution of the Union. “[Dissolution], it seems to me, would be giving up the whole question.... If the Duke of Buckingham says at once to Howe and his confrères that they have nothing to hope for from the British government, I think the matter will end there; but if he should be weak enough to say— ‘you should give the system a fair trial for a year or two’—the consequence will be that the professional agitators will keep up the agitation for a year or two and then will return to the Colonial Office and plead their own factious course and its success as an evidence of the persistent refusal of the people to be incorporated in the Union.”
Macdonald was not overly worried however, and to demonstrate his positive intent, he himself introduced the bill that provided for the construction of the intercolonial railway linking the Maritime provinces with Ontario and Québec.
When Nova Scotia pressed for a Royal Commission of Inquiry on Confederation, the British government, at Macdonald’s request, rejected the idea. Eventually, Nova Scotia’s government decided to pursue “pecuniary concessions,” also known as “better terms.” On this point Macdonald was ready to negotiate.
When Howe released a series of letters to the public outlining the need for “better terms,” Macdonald wrote joyfully to Charles Tupper, “As you truly say, Howe has not only abandoned the ship repeal but has burnt the ship. Now everything depends upon the game being played properly.”
Macdonald’s game was to focus on Howe, rather than on the distant Nova Scotia government. He told Howe the glory was all his for negotiating a bet ter deal for Nova Scotia: “This you will see is a bold game. But ‘out of the nettle danger
