A Companion to Motion Pictures and Public Value. Группа авторов

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takes radically different forms across historical periods, across genres, and across contexts. So, to demonstrate the analytic utility of the idea of distributed creativity, we move now to more specific, lower levels of analysis. Our distributed approach queries standard hierarchies, refusing to privilege one player in the complex cognitive ecology of filmmaking. But having flattened the rug, so to speak, we can then reintroduce differentiation and specificity in more precise analyses. Not all films, and not all cases of creativity in film, involve the same balance of resources, the same kinds of collaboration, the same spread of aesthetic decision making. Once we open up the field or flatten the rug, we can analyze multiple different roles, sites, forms, or locations of creativity in filmmaking, finding many different humps in the rug.6

      So, in the next section, we pick out editing as an example of a second level at which to show distributed creativity at work. Our brief account of creativity in film editing is one of many possible mid-level analyses of particular roles, practices, or processes in filmmaking which can be better understood when we focus on the embodied and collaborative deployment of heterogeneous social, kinaesthetic, imaginative, emotional, technological, and cultural resources in specific distributed cognitive ecologies. Then, in the final full section of the chapter, we turn to two case studies of different modes and practices of editing in particular epochs or genres of film history and practice: our distributed framework drives interventions in existing, independently motivated debates about unique episodes.

      Editing, Authorship, and Distributed Creativity

      The two short case studies that follow both concern film editing. One reason for focusing on editing is that the creativity, cognitive complexity, and dynamics of collaboration in editing are perhaps the least understood of filmmaking disciplines. Even scholars arguing that collaborators are participants in creative authorship of films, sometimes reveal, in their examples, some misapprehension about how editors’ creativity is activated. For example, Gaut writes:

      The two collaborators, the director and the editor, are working on the same thing. Colloquially, in film school, our teachers would say: “the editor doesn’t work for the director, they both work for the film.” Neither of them fully knows the material form the final film will take, so the director and the editor bounce rapidly and repeatedly from a “joint commitment” (Bacharach and Tollefsen 2010) to find something which they agree is the realization of the idea, to “shared intentions” (Livingston 2011) that inform their agreements on more specific decisions. They are both trying to make the film, for want of a better word “work.” To say the director “allows” a line to remain in implies that the director has one idea of what would work and the editor a different one. In fact, the editor and the director may jointly and individually have many different ideas of what will work, and they will try them all out until they, and their producers, and other sources of feedback, such as audiences, agree on one that works best.

      Editors are trained in film schools to exercise diplomacy in these processes because they are, in fact, so much more in charge of editing processes and what will finally be “allowed” than directors. They can make something work, or not. They can make the director think it was their idea, or not. They often do, in fact, manipulate situations so that directors feel they are in charge because it makes the working process more efficient. However, perhaps that training in self-effacement to create procedural efficiencies should be challenged, because it is having wide reaching effect on public perception of process and contributes to the “invisibility” of editors and editing in evaluation of films.

      What is less visible, and rarely theorized, is the cognitive complexity of shaping movement, and of collaborating with directors, shots, tools, contexts, and conventions to create or realize ideas in editing. This decision making is often described using variations on the word “intuitive” (see Oldham 1992, 2012; Kerrigan and McIntyre 2019). One aspect of our work on editing, therefore, is to productively unpack the word “intuitive” to find out what the cognitive actions of editors actually are and to contribute these not only to discourses of creative practice, but to discussions of distributed skilled cognition (see Pearlman 2016, 2017; Pearlman, MacKay, and Sutton 2018).

      Were women eventually excluded from most jobs in filmmaking but able to work in editing departments because the creative decision making of editing was unrecognized? Or could it be that the creative decision making of editing was unrecognized because it was work done by women? (Pearlman and Heftberger 2018)

      Distributed Creativity in Film History and Practice

      Our approach to revising the narrative that effaces women is to look at the actual work that women were doing and reclassify it. Cumulatively, these case studies support the proposition that “good editing is not invisible, and neither are the women who do it” (Pearlman & Gaines 2019).

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