Order in Eighteenth-Century Jamaica and the Atlantic Sound’, The William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd Series, Vol. 66, No. 1 (Jan. 2009), p. 55.142 142. Zoellner, op. cit., pp. 24–34.
143 143. Goveia, op. cit., p. 95.
144 144. Christer Petley, 2018,White Fury: A Jamaican Slaveholder and the Age of Revolution, Oxford University Press, p. 60.
145 145. The provision ground system has been called the foundation for a ‘proto-peasantry’ by Mintz, as noted earlier and it was, indeed, cherished by the slaves in allowing some respite from the surveillance of the slaveholders, but one should be careful not to miss the fact that it was another element of exploitation. The system, in fact, did not quite work in that the slaves were chronically undernourished, and many lived on the verge of starvation with the risk of outright famine and mass starvation when hurricanes, drought and wars struck. See The Sociology of Slavery, pp. 216–18. Kenneth Kiple, 1984, The Caribbean Slave: A biological History, Cambridge University Press, pp. 66–70. See also, Richard B. Sheridan, 1976. ‘The crisis of slave subsistence in the British West Indies during and after the American Revolution,’ William and Mary Quarterly,Vol. 33, No. 4, pp. 615–41.
146 146. Especially the work of my former undergraduate teacher, M. G. Smith, not only his writings on West Indian pluralism, cited earlier, but other works such as his 1960 publication: Government in Zazzau, 1800–1950, an early model of historical sociology for me; West Indian Family Structure, 1962, Research Institute for the Study of Man; The Ras Tafari Movement in Kingston, Jamaica, 1960 (with R. Augier and R. M. Nettleford), Institute of Social and Economic Research.Other influential early studies include: the classic symposium edited by Vera Rubin, 1960, Caribbean Studies: A Symposium, Institute of Social and Economic Research; Raymond Smith, 1956, The Negro Family in British Guiana. Family Structure and Social Status in the Villages, Routledge; Sidney Mintz, 1959a, ‘The Plantation as a Socio-Cultural Type’, in Plantation Systems of the New World,Vera Rubin, ed., pp. 42–53, Washington, DC: Pan-American Union, 1959b, ‘Labor and Sugar in Puerto Rico and in Jamaica, 1800–1850’, in Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 1, No. 3, pp. 273–81; 1966, ‘The Caribbean as a Socio-Cultural Area’, in Cahiers d’Histoire Mondiale, Vol. 9, pp. 912–37; Melville Herskovits, 1941, The Myth of the Negro Past, Harper & Brothers; 1937, Life in a Haitian Valley, Knopf.
147 147. On my theory of segmentary and synthetic creolization see ‘Context and Choice in Ethnic Allegiance: A Theoretical Framework and Caribbean Case Study’, in Nathan Glazer and Patrick Moynihan, eds, 1975, Ethnicity:Theory and Experience, Harvard University Press, pp. 316–19. On the processes of cultural transmission and adaptation of African beliefs and values, see Orlando Patterson, 1976, ‘From Endo-deme to Matri-deme: An Interpretation of the Development of Kinship and Social Organization among the Slaves of Jamaica, 1655–1830’, in Samuel Proctor, Eighteenth Century Florida and the Caribbean, University Presses of Florida, pp. 50–9. See also ‘Persistence, Continuity and Change in the Jamaican Working Class Family’, Journal of Family History (1981), pp. 135–61.
148 148. Orlando Patterson, 1972, Die the Long Day.William Morrow. See Janelle Rodriques’ probing recent analysis of my treatment of death and mourning in this novel, ‘Myal, Death and Mourning in Orlando Patterson’s Die the Long Day’, Cultural Dynamics, June, 2021, pp. 1–17, https://doi.org/10.1177/09213740211011193
149 149. The striking differences in the demographic patterns of North America and the West Indies were remarked on from the late 18th century and used in abolitionist advocacy. See B. W. Higman, 1984, Slave Populations of the British Caribbean, 1807–1834, pp. 305–6. It was noted by W. E. B. DuBois in his Black Reconstruction in America 1860–1880, Russell & Russell, 1935, p. 4. Philip Curtin drew closer attention to it in his 1969 work, The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census, University of Wisconsin Press, pp. 88–91; as did Robert Fogel and Stanley Engerman, in their 1974 study, Time on the Cross, W. W. Norton, p. 25.
150 150. Michael Tadman, 2000, ‘The Demographic Cost of Sugar: Debates on Slave Societies and Natural Increase in the Americas’, American Historical Review,Vol. 105, No. 5, pp. 1534–75.
151 151. Richard S. Dunn, 2014, A Tale of Two Plantations: Slave Life and Labor in Jamaica and Virginia, Harvard University Press, p. 73.
152 152. B.W. Higman, 1984, Slave Populations of the British Caribbean,1807–1834, Johns Hopkins University Press, pp. 304–7; 375–7. See also Kenneth K. Kiple, 1984, The Caribbean Slave: A Biological History, Cambridge University Press, pp. 105–6.
153 153. Robert W. Fogel and Stanley L. Engerman, 1979, ‘Recent Findings in the Study of Slave Demography and Family Structure’, Sociology and Social Research, Vol. 63, pp. 567–8. Michael Tadman, however, has challenged the view that mortality rates in the two regions were not far apart, as has Higman. See Tadman, 2000, ‘The Demographic Cost of Sugar: Debates on Slave Societies and Natural Increase in the Americas’, American Historical Review,Vol. 105, No. 5, p. 1558.
154 154. T. G. Burnard, 2001, ‘Prodigious Riches’: The Wealth of Jamaica before the American Revolution’, Economic History Review, Vol. 54, No. 3, pp. 519–20.
155 155. R. B. Sheridan, 1965, ‘The Wealth of Jamaica in the Eighteenth Century’, Economic History Review, Vol. 18, No. 2, pp. 292, 311. Burnard, 2001, op. cit., found that Sheridan greatly underestimated the island’s wealth.
156 156. Douglas Hall, 1962, ‘Slaves and Slavery in the British West Indies’, Social and Economic Studies,Vol. 11, No. 4, p. 307.
157 157. Tadman, op. cit., it should be noted, argues that the diet of U.S. slaves may not even have been the cause of their exceptional rates of natural increase, p. 1559. This, however, is controversial.
158 158. Trevor Burnard and John Garrigus, 2016, The Plantation Machine, p. 38.
159 159. For a detailed examination of the contrasting demographic strategies of U.S. and Jamaican slaveholders, see Kenneth Kiple, op. cit., pp. 104–19.
160 160. The Sociology of Slavery, pp. 94–112. Building on the pioneer work of George Roberts, 1957, The Population of Jamaica, Cambridge University Press, especially Chapters 6–8.
161 161. Kiple, ibid., p. 103.
162 162. H. Klein and S. Engerman, 1978, ‘Fertility Differentials between Slaves in the United States and the British West Indies’, William & Mary Quarterly, Vol. 35, No. 2, pp. 357–74.
163 163. For one explanation for the ‘anomaly’ of Barbados, see Michael Tadman, op. cit., p. 1565.
164 164. See Higman, 1984, Slave Populations of the British Caribbean, p. 314.
165 165. Kiple, op. cit., p. 34.
166 166. Verene A. Shepherd, 2002, ‘Petticoat Rebellion?’: The Black Woman’s Body and Voice in the Struggles for Freedom in Colonial Jamaica’, In the Shadow of the Plantation: Caribbean History, and Legacy, ed. Alvin O. Thompson, p. 24.
167 167. On which, see Hall, 1989, In Miserable Slavery, p. 135.
168 168. Richard S. Dunn, A Tale of Two Plantations, pp. 161–3.
169 169. Kenneth Morgan, 2006. ‘Slave Women and Reproduction in Jamaica, c1776–1834’, History 91(302): 231–53.
170 170. Trevor Burnard, 2004, Mastery,Tyranny, and Desire, pp. 156–62.
171 171. Michael Tadman, 2000, ‘The Demographic Cost of Sugar: Debates on Slave Societies and Natural Increase in the Americas’, American Historical
