The Journal of Negro History, Volume 5, 1920. Various

94

Siebert, Underground Railroad, p. 249.

95

Ibid., p. 249.

96

Stevens, Anthony Burns, a History, p. 208.

97

American Anti-slavery Society, Eleventh Annual Report, 1851, p. 31.

98

The Voice of the Fugitive, April 9, 1851.

99

Cong. Herald, May 13, 1861, quoted in American Missionary Association, 15th annual report, 1861, p. 28. There is evidence that the Fugitive Slave Law was used in some cases to strike fear into the hearts of Negroes in order to cause them to abandon their property. The Liberator of October 25, 1850, quotes the Detroit Free Press to the effect that land speculators have been scaring the Negroes in some places in the north in order to get possession of their properties.

100

American Anti-slavery Society, Twenty-seventh Annual Report, 1861, p. 49.

101

In The Liberator of July 30, 1852, a letter from Hiram Wilson, at St. Catharines, says: "Arrivals from slavery are frequent."

102

The Voice of the Fugitive, July 29, 1852.

103

Ibid., July 1, 1852.

104

St. Catharine's Journal, quoted in The Voice of the Fugitive, September 23, 1852.

105

Quoted in The Liberator, September 12, 1851.

106

Liberator, February 14, 1851.

107

The Voice of the Fugitive, August 27, 1851.

108

Quoted in American Anti-slavery Society, Twenty-seventh Report, 1861.

109

American Anti-slavery Society, Twenty-seventh Annual Report, 1861, pp. 48-49.

110

P. 157.

111

Rhodes, History of the United States, I, 210.

112

Ibid., I, 224-25. See also Ward, Autobiography of a Fugitive Negro, p. 127.

113

Ibid., I, 222-23. See also The Voice of the Fugitive, June 3 and July 1, 1852.

114

Schauler, History of the United States, V, 290-291.

115

Troy, Hairbreadth Escapes, pp. 39-43.

116

Liberator, June 11, 1852. See also The Voice of the Fugitive, June 17, 1852.

117

Ibid., July 30, 1852.

118

Liberator, Sept. 12, 1851; The Voice of the Fugitive, Sept. 24, 1851; Anti-slavery Tracts, New Series, No. 15, p. 19.

119

Sandusky Commercial Register, Oct. 21, 1852; Liberator, Oct. 29, 1852; Anti-slavery Tracts, New Series, No. 15, p. 24.

120

The Voice of the Fugitive, February 12, 1851.

121

Ninth Annual Report, N. Y., 1855, p. 47

122

American Anti-slavery Society, Eleventh Annual Report, 1851, p. 100.

123

The Voice of the Fugitive of January 15, 1851, and November 18, 1852.

124

Ibid., January 1 and May 20, 1852.

125

Troy, Hair-breadth Escapes, pp. 108 and 122.

126

"The Canadian government reckoned that there had been not less than 40,000 Canadian enlistments in the American Army during the Civil War."—Goldwin Smith's Correspondence (letter to Moberly Bell), p. 377.

127

Taken in great measure from the biographical notice by the writer in the Journal of the Institute of Jamaica, July, 1896.

128

For a general sketch of this period see W. J. Gardner's a History of Jamaica, pp. 211-317.

129

This movement had for years been promoted by the heroic few. It was then getting a hearing in Parliament. They first advocated the abolition of the slave trade and then directed attention to slavery.

130

These contributions closely connected Hill with the men whose new thought revolutionized science a few decades later.

131

San Domingo was then independent and the success of the free Negroes there would have a direct bearing on the anti-slavery movement, as indifferent white men sometimes contended that the free Negro was a failure.

132

Slavery in the British West Indies was not actually abolished instantly. Gradual emancipation was the method tried in most parts and even in cases of immediate emancipation the system of apprenticeship which followed was not much better than slavery.

133

The office of Secretary to the Stipendiary Magistrates was established in order to assist Governor Sligo to get through the enormous amount of correspondence entailed by the complaints sent to him in connection with the administration of the laws with regard to the apprenticeship system.

134

Documents printed by order of the Senate of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts during the Session of the Grand Court, 1861, No. 96, p. 10.

135

The figures given by The Centinel differed a little from these. According to its census in 1765, Barnstable had 516 Indians instead of 515; Bristol had 401 Negroes and 167 Indians; Essex 977 Negroes instead of 1,070; Middlesex 871 Negroes and 37 Indians; Nantucket 93 Indians instead of 149; Norfolk 420 Negroes instead of 414; Plymouth 223 Indians instead of 227; Suffolk 891 Negroes instead of 844; Worcester 304 Negroes instead of 267. See J. H. Benton's Early Census making in Massachusetts.

136

Documents printed by order of the Senate, 1861, No. 96, passim.

137

Documents printed by order of the Senate of Massachusetts, 1861, No. 96, p. 84.

138

Documents printed by order of the Senate, 1861, No. 96, p. 10.

139

Ibid., p. 34.

140

The Laws of Massachusetts, 1811.

141

Documents printed by order of the Senate, 1861, No. 96, pp. 38-39.

142

Laws of Massachusetts, 1828.

143

"Sixty-six out of the whole number of the tribe, at the time of the enumeration, were not residents of the District; but 52 of them were considered as retaining their rights in the tribe, and more than half of the 66 were understood to be only temporary residents abroad, expecting, at some time, to return to Marshpee, and make it their permanent place of residence. A few others, as a matter of personal convenience, are now residing just over the line, and are so returned, but they consider themselves as identified with the tribe in all respects, and are so considered by the tribe. Fourteen individuals, included in the above 66, whose names are in the 'Supplementary List,' own no land in the District, but have been gone so long from it, that they are not now recognized by residents as members of the tribe." Documents printed

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