‘Con studiare el Catalinario,’ says Allegretto. Comp. (in Corio) a sentence like the following in the desposition of Olgiati: ‘Quisque nostrum magis socios potissime et infinitos alios sollicitare, infestare, alter alteri benevolos se facere cœpit. Aliquid aliquibus parum donare: simul magis noctu edere, bibere, vigilare, nostra omnia bona polliceri,’ etc.
118
Vasari, iii. 251, note to V. di Donatello.
119
It now has been removed to a newly constructed building.
120
Inferno, xxxiv. 64.
121
Related by a hearer, Luca della Robbia, Archiv. Stor. i. 273. Comp. Paul. Jovius, Vita Leonis X. iii. in the Viri Illustres.
122
First printed in 1723, as appendix to Varchi’s History, then in Roscoe, Vita di Lorenzo de’ Medici, vol. iv. app. 12, and often besides. Comp. Reumont, Gesch. Toscana’s seit dem Ende des Florent. Freistaates, Gotha, 1876, i. p. 67, note. See also the report in the Lettere de’ Principi (ed. Venez. 1577), iii. fol. 162 sqq.
123
On the latter point see Jac. Nardi, Vita di Ant. Giacomini, Lucca (1818), p. 18.
124
‘Genethliacum Venetæ urbis,’ in the Carmina of Ant. Sabellicus. The 25th of March was chosen ‘essendo il cielo in singolar disposizione, si come da gli astronomi è stato calcolato più volte.’ Comp. Sansovino, Venezia città nobilissima e singolare, descritta in 14 libri, Venezia, 1581, fol. 203. For the whole chapter see Johannis Baptistæ Egnatii viri doctissimi de exemplis Illustrium Virorum Venetæ civitatis atque aliarum gentium, Paris, 1554. The eldest Venetian chronicler, Joh. Diaconi, Chron. Venetum in Pertz, Monum. S.S. vii. pp. 5, 6, places the occupation of the islands in the time of the Lombards and the foundation of the Rialto later.
125
‘De Venetæ urbis apparatu panagiricum carmen quod oraculum inscribitur.’
126
The whole quarter was altered in the reconstructions of the sixteenth century.
127
Benedictus Carol. VIII. in Eccard, Scriptores, ii. col. 1597, 1601, 1621. In the Chron. Venetum, Murat. xxiv. col. 26, the political virtues of the Venetians are enumerated: ‘bontà, innocenza, zelo di carità, pietà, misericordia.’
128
Many of the nobles cropped their hair. See Erasmi Colloquia, ed. Tiguri, a. 1553: miles et carthusianus.
129
Epistolæ, lib. v. fol. 28.
130
Malipiero, Ann. Veneti, Archiv. Stor. vii. i. pp. 377, 431, 481, 493, 530; ii. pp. 661, 668, 679. Chron. Venetum, in Muratori, xxiv. col. 57. Diario Ferrarese, ib. col. 240. See also Dispacci di Antonio Giustiniani (Flor. 1876), i. p. 392.
131
Malipiero, in the Archiv. Stor. vii. ii. p. 691. Comp. 694, 713, and i. 535.
132
Marin Sanudo, Vite dei Duchi, Murat. xxii. col. 1194.
133
Chron. Venetum, Murat. xxiv. col. 105.
134
Chron. Venetum, Murat. xxiv. col. 123 sqq. and Malipiero, l. c. vii. i. pp. 175, 187 sqq. relate the significant fall of the Admiral Antonio Grimani, who, when accused on account of his refusal to surrender the command in chief to another, himself put irons on his feet before his arrival at Venice, and presented himself in this condition to the Senate. For him and his future lot, see Egnatius, fol. 183 a sqq., 198 b sqq.
135
Chron. Ven. l. c. col. 166.
136
Malipiero, l. c. vii. i. 349. For other lists of the same kind see Marin Sanudo, Vite dei Duchi, Murat. xxii. col. 990 (year 1426), col. 1088 (year 1440), in Corio, fol. 435-438 (1483), in Guazzo Historie, fol. 151 sqq.
137
Guicciardini (Ricordi, n. 150) is one of the first to remark that the passion for vengeance can drown the clearest voice of self-interest.
138
Malipiero, l. c. vii. i., p. 328.
139
The statistical view of Milan, in the ‘Manipulus Florum’ (in Murat. xi. 711 sqq.) for the year 1288, is important, though not extensive. It includes house-doors, population, men of military age, ‘loggie’ of the nobles, wells, bakeries, wine-shops, butchers’-shops, fishmongers, the consumption of corn, dogs, birds of chase, the price of salt, wood, hay, and wines; also the judges, notaries, doctors, schoolmasters, copying clerks, armourers, smiths, hospitals, monasteries, endowments, and religious corporations. A list perhaps still older is found in the ‘Liber de magnalibus Mediolani,’ in Heinr. de Hervordia, ed. Potthast, p. 165. See also the statistical account of Asti about the year 1250 in Ogerius Alpherius (Alfieri), De Gestis Astensium, Histor. patr. Monumenta, Scriptorum, tom. iii. col. 684. sqq.
140
Especially Marin Sanudo, in the Vite dei Duchi di Venezia, Murat. xxii. passim.
141
See for the marked difference between Venice and Florence, an important pamphlet addressed 1472 to Lorenzo de’ Medici by certain Venetians, and the answer to it by Benedetto Dei, in Paganini, Della Decima, Florence, 1763, iii. pp. 135 sqq.
142
In Sanudo, l. c. col. 958. What relates to trade is extracted in Scherer, Allgem. Gesch. des Welthandels, i. 326, note.
143
Here all the houses, not merely those owned by the state, are meant. The latter, however, sometimes yielded enormous rents. See Vasari, xiii. 83. V. d. Jac. Sansovino.
144
See Sanudo, col. 963. In the same place a list of the incomes of the other Italian and European powers is given. An estimate for 1490 is to be found, col. 1245 sqq.
145
This dislike seems to have amounted to positive hatred in Paul II. who called the humanists one and all heretics. Platina, Vita Pauli, ii. p. 323. See also for the subject in general, Voigt, Wiederbelebung des classischen Alterthums, Berlin, 1859, pp. 207-213. The neglect of the sciences is given as a reason for the flourishing condition of Venice by Lil. Greg. Giraldus, Opera, ii. p. 439.
146
Sanudo, l. c. col. 1167.
147
Sansovina, Venezia, lib. xiii. It contains the biographies of the Doges in chronological order, and, following these lives one by one (regularly from the year 1312, under the heading Scrittori Veneti), short notices of contemporary writers.
148
Venice was then one of the chief seats of the Petrarchists. See G. Crespan, Del Petrarchismo, in Petrarca e Venezia, 1874, pp. 187-253.
149
See Heinric. de Hervordia ad a. 1293, p. 213, ed. Potthast, who says: ‘The Venetians wished to obtain the body of Jacob of Forli from the inhabitants of that place, as many miracles were wrought by it. They promised many things in return, among others to bear all the expense of canonising the defunct, but without obtaining their request.’
150
Sanudo, l. c. col. 1158, 1171, 1177. When the body of St. Luke was brought from Bosnia, a dispute arose with the Benedictines of S. Giustina at Padua, who claimed to possess it already, and the Pope had to decide between the two parties. Comp. Guicciardini, Ricordi, n. 401.
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