cool, tough, ghetto, inferior, poor, lazy, and violent.
According to Bostick (2010), black comedians who speak critically, publicly, and extensively about controversial issues involving the black community claim to be well intentioned, but unfortunately, they may be validating explicit stereotypes. She believes that when stereotypes are validated by these well-known black voices it allows white people (the in-group) to justify those stereotypes about blacks (the out-group).
A Textual/Historical Approach
History can be used to effectively interpret the evolution of a topic or theme. The systematic analysis of stereotypes as they have historically evolved through media programming provides a path toward interpreting primary and secondary texts. Bryant, Black, Land & Porra (2013) believe that history is like a collective ←14 | 15→memory, “Having a history is important because what happened in the past profoundly affects all aspects of our lives and will affect what happens in the future” (p. 4).
Porra, Hirschelm, and Parks (2014) propose a concept called “cyclical history” which means that the past as reality is unchanging and repeating. They suggest that historical analysis offers a unique potential through scope and duration in which to understand complex phenomena. It is through history that researchers can analyze particular episodes, empirical cases, and patterns of activity according to Smith and Lux (1993).
This chapter analyzes one black stereotype that has evolved throughout history in film and television. It is the examination of specific words, ideas, images, and characteristics that make up particular patterns and themes connected to the Zip Coon stereotype. McKee (2003) argues that this kind of historical analysis can help us understand the way that various cultures and subcultures make sense of who they are.
This analysis examines intertextuality as described by Fairclough (2003), explicitly as it relates to the consistency of the Zip Coon stereotype. It is understood that different cultures may experience different things in different ways, specifically because of intertextuality. And, the interaction of certain images and messages are negotiated within specific historical timeframes.
The Zip Coon Stereotype
The Zip Coon stereotype evolved from minstrel shows in the early nineteenth century (Turner, 1994). Turner explains that the Zip Coon caricature is often presented in colorful, ill-fitting clothing, and he is usually staged as destructive, loud talking, and stupid. According to Jardim (2016), the Zip Coon is an arrogant trickster who avoids responsibility at all costs. Finally, Bogle (1973) described the Zip Coon as a male buffoon who is depicted as an unreliable, subhuman creature misusing the English language for the amusement of white people. Bogle adds that racial stereotypes have been used for decades to confirm white superiority over African Americans.
All were character types used for the same effect: to entertain by stressing inferiority. Fun was poked at the American Negro by presenting him as either a nitwit or a childlike lackey … The movies which catered to public tastes, borrowed profusely from all the other popular art forms. When dealing with black characters they simply adapted the old familiar stereotypes, often further distorting them. (p. 4)
←15 | 16→
In her book Black Looks: Race and Representation (1992) (bell) hooks agrees. She expresses concern because stereotypes are distorted inventions, yet they can be seen as reality.
Stereotypes however inaccurate are one form of representation. Like fictions they are created to serve as substitutions, standing in for what is real. They are not there to tell it like it is, but to invite and encourage pretense. They are a fantasy, a projection onto the other that makes them less threatening. (p. 170)
The contemporary Zip Coon stereotype has evolved into a prominent media staple. He is the funny, ignorant, aggressive, loud talking, ill-dressed, black male caricature in popular movies and television shows. For example, Stepin Fetchit in Judge Priest (1934) and other films during the 1930s took Zip Coon off of the minstrel stage and placed him on the television screen (Fetchit bio). Stepin Fetchit is depicted as a slow-witted, mumbling coon who moves with a lazy shuffle. He scratches his head when he is thinking, uses poor dialogue and his intelligence is questionable.
The Kingfish character was introduced in the Amos and Andy radio show (1928–1955) as a Zip Coon stereotype. Freeman Gosden, a white man, did the voice over for radio, but the 1950s television show (1951–1953) used a black actor, Tim Moore (Watkins, 1991). Kingfish displayed the general Zip Coon traits showing a lack of intelligence, plus constantly scheming and trying to con people. For example, he set up a phony raffle, got amnesia whenever it came time to pay his debts, bought and tried to sell a broken-down race horse, and was accused of robbery several times concerning different items.
Despite his standup routines that were often socially conscious and controversial (Trickster, 2010), Redd Foxx in the television sitcom Sanford and Son (1972) was a streetwise representation of Zip Coon (Foxx bio). The character of Fred Sanford was a junk dealer living with his only son. He constantly made stupid mistakes, followed get-rich-quick schemes, dished out insults, walked with a stagger and threatened to have a heart attack when confronted about a problem.
Good Times (1972) began as a unique look at life in the urban ghetto, but J.J.’s character eventually developed into an obvious Zip Coon stereotype including his signature action of screaming “dy-no-mite.” Jimmy Walker as J.J. also mixed up words showing his illiteracy and flaunted ill-fitting and colorful clothes on his tall, lanky body. Finally, Will Smith in The Fresh Prince (1990) brought urban slang and cool pose to upper class Beverly Hills in his more contemporary version of the Zip Coon. His style included wearing a private school jacket inside out to expose the bright red, blue and yellow lining. Since he came from the hood, Will’s loud and brash personality was depicted by the upper class kids as cool and different.
←16 | 17→
The Blaxploitation period meant changes in the Zip Coon stereotype, even though key features continued to thrive under the surface. Confidence in the use of language changed into a jive talk. For example, Rudy Ray Moore used rhyme and signification in his records and movies. “Yes, I’m Dolemite. I’m the one that killed Monday, whooped Tues, put Wednesday in the hospital, called Thursday to tell Friday not to bury Saturday on Sunday” (Dolemite, 1975).
The clothes in many of the Blaxploitation films included bright yellow, red and green suits worn by pimps and players that were promoted as stylish. Black men were depicted as sexually empowered dope dealers and gangsters involved in fighting, shootouts, and other aggressive
