when survivors of the carnage were released by Yazid.24 Most of the important activities, however, occur during the first ten days of Muharram, on the twelfth of the month, and on the fortieth (cahallum), which falls on the twentieth of Safar.25 There does not seem to be a set date to begin work on the ta‘zi̅yahs.26 In some regions, work on them continues throughout the year, whereas those with inner bamboo frames that are reused year after year need only to have the outer wrapping replaced, which is normally made of layers of colored paper, mica, and tinsel. In the latter scenario, communities can afford to wait until the last days to complete their ta‘zi̅yahs. The length of time devoted to the construction depends on the complexity of design and the object’s size. It is believed that the spirits of Hasan and Husayn enter into the ta‘zi̅yahs as they are being built, infusing the structures with significant curative powers.27 The spirits remain in the objects until the symbolic time of Husayn’s death, after which the spirits leave the objects. From this time onward, they are no longer considered sacred and “may be kicked about and anything done with them.”28 In fact, in some areas, small coffins (tābūts) are placed inside of the ta‘zi̅yahs to symbolize the spirits, and in Baluchistan, Pakistan, women even make small effigies representing the two martyrs out of cloth to place inside the coffins.29
The size and shape of the ta‘zi̅yahs vary from place to place, but they all consist of a wooden or bamboo base and frame, a tomb chamber, and in some places a central dome representing the one on Husayn’s actual tomb in Karbala. They are essentially three-tiered structures, but occasionally they can be as high as six tiers. John Hollister records one being twenty-seven feet tall.30 I will provide fairly elaborate descriptions of the Trinidadian structures and the process of their construction in Chapter 5 but quote here from Ja’far Sharif’s 1920s account to give the reader a sense of their form and design: “It is usually covered with a network of paper neatly cut, and it is sometimes decorated on the back with plates of mica (talq). It is also ornamented with coloured paper formed into various devices and has tinsel fringes, the whole structure surmounted by a dome which is often contrived so as to move around at the slightest breath of air. Its beauty appears when lighted up within and without. In shape it is square, its sides varying in height.… Some instead of covering it with a paper network make strings of glass bangles (bangri̅), with white paper flowers, and behind they tie saffron-coloured cloth or paste red paper.”31
John Oman provides another impressionistic description from the Panjab in the following early twentieth-century account, in which he freely imposes his European aesthetic sensibilities Elaborating on the imaginary nature of the designs inspired by Husayn’s actual tomb, he states:
“[T]here were many of considerable size, others quite diminutive; but all bright and glittering with tinsel, mica, and coloured paper; some were quaint, some pretty, and some decidedly grotesque.… One of these tazias might be merely a tower of four or five stories built on a light bamboo framework. Another more elaborate and bizarre in form would have the appearance of a strange composite being, with a woman’s face and the body of a peacock, bearing a house on its back. Some tazias were supported upon winged horses with long ostrich-like necks, surmounted with human faces of feminine type. One was borne on the head of a winged angel, who, by means of a simple contrivance manipulated from behind, was made to beat his breast in a rather ridiculous fashion.32
Obvious biases aside, Oman’s description gives us a flavor of the variety of structures built for this occasion. His description implies that the ta‘zi̅yahs are not identical replicas of Husayn’s tomb, but rather artistic renderings constructed in competition with other builders’ creations (see Figure 3).
Figure 3. A reverse mica painting (c. 1850–60) by an anonymous artist from Patna, Bihar, depicting a muḥarram procession with a variety of ta‘zi̅yahs, ‘alams, and sipars. By permission of the British Library. Add. Or. 401.
Since all Muslims observe the death of Husayn, both the Sunni and Shi‘ah construct cenotaphs in many parts of India, as in the city of Banaras. This is not to say that everyone agrees on the manners and methods to be employed in observing the occasion correctly. Nevertheless, even Hindus venerate the structures because of their healing powers, and some go so far as to view Husayn himself as a deva (deity).33 There is even mention of Husayni Brahmins in the ethnographic record.34 A difference, however, exists in the reasons why the Shi‘ah and the Sunni observe the death, as well as in the manner of observance. Many members of the Shi‘i community, for instance, hold that the Sunni are directly responsible for the murder, and it is common practice among them to curse (tabarra’) the first three caliphs ritually as an integral part of the observances. On the other hand, there is a popular Sunni belief that it was actually the Shi‘ah themselves who carried out the deed.35 Thus, in many locations, Sunnis counter the curses by performing daily bayān (declaration) each evening from the first through the tenth, praising the good qualities of the first three caliphs in order to assert and justify the Sunni position on the interpretation of the historical events.
Other disagreements that are aired during khut̤bahs (sermons) conducted in both camps focus on the construction of ta‘zi̅yahs, the use of martial drumming, and the performance of mātam. Many Sunnis claim that the construction of ta’ziyahs borders on anthropomorphism, which is forbidden in Islam. With regard to drumming, they argue that the use of military instrumentation is appropriate to remind people that Husayn died for a religious cause. Lastly, on mātam, they claim that the practice was forbidden by the Prophet in one of his sayings (ḥadis̱). Shi‘i clerics, on the other hand, disagree on each of these points.36 In consequence, both have their own reasons for participating in these rites. But such differences and disagreements are voiced mostly on the ideological level. Upon closer investigation we find that there is not a strict ritual division between the two factions in practice, even though there were times in the past when the rite was performed separately. There is, in reality, a certain degree of interaction and free play between the two sectarian groups on the public level today. Doctrine and practice thus coexist in creative tension with one another. Some Sunnis do, in fact, lament and bring out ta‘zi̅yahs, while some Shi‘ah use drum accompaniment during their processions.37 Another example from Banaras based on my own inquiries is that people say the Sunni are supposed to wear green during the month of Muharram and that the Shi‘ah should wear black.38 But during times of interaction between the two groups on the street, Sunnis could be found wearing black, and the Shi‘ah wearing green. While there are no absolute rules of behavior during Muharram, I will consider some of the salient differences in ritual observance below and then proceed in the next section to discuss the celebratory element in the public rites.
On the private level, however, the story is quite different. It is relatively rare for Sunnis to attend Shi‘i majālis, partly out of philosophical reasons and partly out of practical fear of physical retribution by fervent Shi‘ah who may hold them responsible for Husayn’s death. In Iran, for example, people have reported that the villainous characters in the dramas have often been attacked and, in some cases, even killed out of an emotional frenzy. This may be an urban legend, but Abedi reminisces that “Shemr would gallop into the center calling Husain to show himself, and announcing to the audience, ‘I’m not Shemr, nor is this the land of Karbala; I’m just playing a role.’ This formula was partly used to fend off the danger that onlookers would become so enraged at his killing of their beloved Imam that they would kill him.”39 So, for reasons such as these, there are usually public prayers held in Sunni mosques, readings from the Qur’ān, and khut̤bahs acknowledging the Karbala tragedy as an unfortunate incident in which members of the Prophet’s family were killed, but nothing more.
Hindus
