Al-Shirbīnī’s attitude to rural fuqarāʾ does not imply hostility on his part to Sufism per se; on the contrary, the text is peppered with approving references to Sufis such as al-Shaʿrānī and other “initiates of God.” Rather, as Karamustafa points out, “to the ‘enlightened’ cultural elite . . . the antinomian dervish was the symbol par excellence of the religion of the vulgar” (Karamustafa, Friends, 8).
On the persistence of a conceptual distance between the medium of expression of the educated and that of the uneducated, whereby only the latter—in disregard of the facts—speak the colloquial language, see Armbrust, who writes that “sometimes when colloquial is retained in written language it is to confirm the ideology of social separation by emphasizing a class difference” (Armbrust, Culture, 54).
Winter, Egyptian Society, 118–19: “While Al-Azhar had acquired a special prestige under Ayyubid and Mamluke rule, it was only in the 17th and 18th centuries that it eclipsed the other madrasas (religious teaching establishments) of Cairo to become completely identified with the ulama establishment.”
Raymond makes the point that “il y avait une contradiction latente entre les liens matériels et sociaux qui unissaient les cheikhs à la caste dirigeante et le rôle de porte-parole qu’étaient censés pour les ʿulamāʾ vis-à-vis de la population égyptienne puisque ses difficultés et les abus dont elle soufrait avaient précisément pour causes principales le mauvais gouvernement ou la tyrannie des Mamelouks et de leurs gens. Aussi les ʿulamāʾ eurent-ils parfois une attitude ambiguë à l’égard des mouvements populaires et il leur arriva de ne les soutenir qu’avec une évidente réserve” (Raymond, Artisans, 2:431). It would be equally true that, despite their links to the ruling elite, the obligation of the ʿulamāʾ to support the sharia may have made them, on occasion, sympathetic (albeit always with that “certain reserve”) to the complaints of the masses.
Despite its importance, sharḥ appears to be little studied as a genre. For an orientation to the various subgenres, see Gilliot, “Sharḥ” and Rippin, “Tafsīr,” in EI2.
In this notation, S stands for a short syllable, such as da, L for a long syllable (dā or dal) or—in colloquial verse—also an overlong syllable (dāll), and X for a position in the meter that may be filled by a short or a long syllable, at the poet’s discretion.
Sigla for the other witnesses used in the 2005 edition, and hence also occasionally referred to in the apparatus to the Arabic text that follows, are: ب = Bulaq (Dār al-Ṭibāʿah al-ʿĀmirah, 1274/1858); ك = Cambridge (Cambridge University Library, Or. 1420 (Part I) and Or. 1421 (Part II)); با = Paris (Bibliothèque Nationale, MS Arabe 3267 (Part I) and 3268 (Part II); م = Mingana (Birmingham, Selly Oaks Colleges Library: Mingana Collection, Islamic 1564–65).
Humphrey Davies. Yūsuf al-Shirbīnī’s Brains Confounded, Vol. 2, English Translation. Only short passages of Brains Confounded have been translated elsewhere (in any language, to my knowledge). The story of the “Persian Savant” (§§4.5–4.9)