1998; Weldon 2004; Wolfram 2007) has also been studied and that these social variables form an essential aspect of ongoing research. Indeed, the The Oxford Handbook of African American Language (Lanehart 2015, listed in Further Reading below) presents research that addresses variation within AAVE as well as the social factors, functions, and consequences of this variation.
Features of AAVE
The features of AAVE which have been researched include phonological, morphological, and syntactic characteristics (see also chapter 5 on variationist studies for discussions of research on this topic). We will focus here primarily on features which have been found to be specific to AAVE and which have been researched extensively over several decades. This is not, we stress, an exhaustive list of features nor an in‐depth coverage of the research on their variation (please see the references in the Further Reading section to find more research on this topic). The aim of this section is to make our readers aware of some of the structural characteristics of this dialect.
On the phonological level, consonant cluster reduction has often been noted (e.g., from Labov 1972 to Wolfram and Thomas 2008); words such as test, desk, and end may be pronounced without their final consonants. Other phonological features commonly found in varieties of AAVE include r‐lessness and /ai/ monophthongization, and realization of ‘th’ sounds as /t/, /d/, /f/, /v/ or /s/ (Thomas 2007), although these features are found in other varieties of English in North America and around the world.
Some of the most salient and frequently researched features of AAVE have to do with verbal ‐s marking. This involves the presence or absence of the suffix ‐s on finite verbs. In Standard English dialects, ‐s marking is only on third‐person singular verbs (e.g., She likes cheese). In AAVE, this marking is sometimes absent (e.g., She like school) and this is considered one of the core features of AAVE. Further, verbal ‐s marking also appears in grammatical contexts other than third‐person singular (e.g., The men has wives) in some varieties of AAVE. There is extensive literature on patterns of ‐s marking on verbs (Cukor‐Avila 1997; Montgomery et al. 1993; Montgomery and Fuller 1996; Poplack and Tagliamonte 1989, 1991, 2005; Rupp and Britain 2019) showing similarities to other nonstandardized English dialects.
Another interesting pattern in the verbal system of AAVE is the use of the zero copula. As Labov (1969) has explained, the rule for its use is really quite simple. If you can contract be in Standard English, you can delete it in AAVE. That is, since ‘He is nice’ can be contracted to ‘He’s nice’ in Standard English, it can become ‘He nice’ in AAVE. However, ‘I don’t know where he is’ cannot be contracted to ‘I don’t know where he’s’ in Standard English. Consequently, it cannot become ‘I don’t know where he’ in AAVE. We should note that the zero copula is very rarely found in other dialects of English. It is also not categorical in AAVE; that is, there is variation between realization of copula forms and zero copula. Labov (1972) argued for the use of zero copula as a marker of group membership among certain Black youths in Harlem, members of a gang called the Jets. Zero copula use diminished as strength of group membership decreased. There is a wealth of literature on the linguistic factors in copula variation in AAVE (see, for example, Blake 1997; Hazen 2002; Rickford et al. 1991; Weldon 2003).
Still another feature of AAVE has been called habitual be (also called invariant be, or be2). This feature has become a stereotype of Black speech, often imitated in caricatures of AAVE speakers; for example, the US toy store ‘Toys “R” Us’ has been jokingly called ‘We Be Toys’ in Harlem, a predominantly African American neighborhood of New York City (see the link to a discussion of this joke in the web links provided in the online materials for this textbook). The feature is called ‘invariant’ be because the copula is not conjugated but used in the form of be for all subjects (i.e., I be, you be, he/she/it be, etc.). It is called ‘habitual’ because it marks an action which is done repeatedly, that is, habitually. Thus the utterance They be throwing the ball does not mean that the people in question are (necessarily) currently throwing a ball, but that they often get together and throw a ball back and forth. This differs in meaning from They (are) throwing the ball, which indicates something that is happening at the current time. Research on this feature often focuses on its development, which leads us to another important aspect of research on this dialect as a whole: how did it develop, and how does it continue to change?
Development of AAVE
Sociolinguists have disagreed on how AAVE relates to other varieties of English in the United States. Kurath (1949, 6) and McDavid (1965, 258) argued that AAVE had no characteristics that were not found in other varieties of English, particularly nonstandardized varieties spoken by Americans of any color in the south. This is sometimes called the Anglicist hypothesis of origin. In this view, AAVE is just another dialect of American English (see Wolfram and Schilling‐Estes 2005 for more discussion).
Wolfram (2003) and Wolfram and Thomas (2002) take a slightly different position, favoring a neo‐Anglicist hypothesis that early African Americans maintained certain features of the languages they brought with them while at the same time accommodating to the local dialects of English. Wolfram and Thomas say that such a substrate influence (see chapter 9) from the African languages still persists in AAVE, certainly in the variety they examined in Hyde County, North Carolina. Wolfram and Torbert (2006, 228) claim that ‘AAE has diverged from European American varieties over the years, so that present‐day AAE is now quite different from contemporary benchmark European American dialects. The differences are not due to earlier language history, but to the everyday nature of African American speech during the twentieth century.’
Diametrically opposed to this view is the view of the creolists, for example, Stewart (1967), Dillard (1972), and Rickford (1977, 1997, 1999), who maintain that AAVE is of creole origin, and therefore a variety of English which originated quite independently of Standard English. (As we’ll discuss in more detail in chapter 9, creole languages are languages which develop in situations of language contact; in this case, contact between English‐speaking settlers and colonizers and speakers of West African languages who were brought to the Americas as slave.) In this view, AAVE has features that are typical of creole languages, particularly the zero copula and habitual be, some residual Africanisms, and certain styles of speaking (such as rapping, sounding, signifying, and fancy talk) which look back to an African origin. The claim is that AAVE is not a dialect of English but a creolized variety of English which continues to have profound differences from the standardized variety.
However, more recent research seeks to incorporate both of these views, noting that while settler varieties may have formed the basis for AAVE, there is also evidence of the influence from creole varieties such as Gullah and possibly Caribbean creole languages (Winford 2017). Mufwene (2014) also promotes a view which combines these influences, taking the position that the English‐origins position prevails, but this does not rule out contributions from creoles and African languages on the development of AAVE.
Societal aspects of AAVE use
Recent research on AAVE addresses its role in society along with the structural variation and change. Work on the role of AAVE in education has been of paramount importance (see Rickford et al. 2012), and the role of nonstandardized vernaculars and minoritized languages in schooling is a topic we will return to in chapter 12. Recent research has focused
