Rome and the Black Sea Region. Группа авторов

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Rome and the Black Sea Region - Группа авторов Black Sea Studies

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      Keeping in mind the danger of overinterpretation, I think that the three examples given here can be taken as evidence of how the custom of erecting inscribed monuments (particularly of a funerary nature) to commemorate oneself and one’s family spread among a wider section of the population. It began on the coast in the first century AD and then slowly penetrated the hinterland before the mid-second century. In most cities it coincides with the introduction of local coinage, the more common use of Latin names, the construction of public buildings, and probably other, less clearly dated phenomena such as changed land-use and settlement patterns. It is difficult to say whether these changes were perceived as Romanisation by the local population, but they were certainly a product of the favourable conditions offered by the Pax Romana.

       Notes

       1 Magie 1950; Jones 1971; Marek 1993; Mitchell 1993; Syme 1995.

       2 Strabon 12.3.39.

       3 Syme 1995, 115.

       4 Mitchell 1993, 84. Olshausen & Biller 1984 (map) for location.

       5 Saprykin & Maslennikov 1996, 1-14.

       6 French 1996b, 78.

       7 Dalaison 2002, 261-276.

       8 French 1996, 82. Appian (Mithr. 65) furthermore relates that Murena captured 400 villages belonging to Mithridates.

       9 Doonan 2004.

      10 Doonan 2004, 47.

      11 Doonan 2004, 103; 111-112.

      12 Doonan 2004, 47.

      13 Matthews, Pollard & Ramage 1998.

      14 Matthews, Pollard & Ramage 1998, 203.

      15 Özdogan, Marro & Tibet 1999; Özsait 2002; 2003; Özsait & Özsait 2002; Dönmez 1999 – to mention a few. In her new book on the Pontic kingdom, Erciyas (2006, 53-62) offers a summary of all the surveys conducted in Pontos.

      16 Alcock 1993, 48.

      17 For the beginning of the era, see Perl 1968, 299-330.

      18 Callataÿ 1997, 8-9 & 33-36.

      19 Leschhorn 1993, 83-86. McGing 1986, 66. Justinus 37.4.3.

      20 An inscription from Phanagoreia dated to the year 210 (88/87 BC) published by Vinogradov & Wörrle (1992, 159-170), and another newly found inscription from Olbia dated to the year 220 (78/77 BC) published by Krapivina & Diatroptov 2005, 167-180.

      21 Leschhorn 1993, 418.

      22 Leschhorn 1993, 106-115.

      23 Waddington, Reinach & Babelon 1925, 176, no. 19.

      24 For the earliest occurrence of the era in the different cities, see Leschhorn 1993, 481-484.

      25 Anderson, Cumont & Grégoire 1910, no. 66.

      26 Pliny (NH 7.24; 25.3) reports that it was a well-known fact that Mithridates spoke twenty-two languages and never required the service of an interpreter. Gellius (17.17) offers the figure of twenty-five, and Aurelius Victor (De vir illustr. 76.1) claims that he spoke fifty languages.

      27 For inscriptions on wood in the Roman period, see Eck 1998, 203-217.

      28 IK 47, p. 1-2.

      29 French 1996, 86-87.

      30 Anderson, Cumont & Grégoire 1910, 109-187.

      31 Burnett, Amandry & Carradice 1999, 236-238. The legend on a Julio-Claudian coin formerly read as Ε[ΤΟΥΣ] ΜΑ (year 41) turns out to read EΠI ΒΑΣΙΛΑ. Basila served as legate of Galatia sometime during the first decades of the first century AD.

      32 For more examples of the impact of the Antonine Plague, see Duncan-Jones 1992, 108-136.

      33 Olshausen 1974, 153-170.

      34 Marek 1993, 157-187.

      35 Marek 1993, 170, no. 48; 184, no. 104.

      36 See Marek 1993, 135-155; 187-210, for the inscriptions from Pompeiopolis and Hadrianopolis. See Anderson, Cumont & Grégoire 1910, 46-108, for the inscriptions from Neoklaudiopolis. In Hadrianopolis, two statue bases for Hadrian and Antoninus Pius, respectively, testify to the fact that inscriptions were erected before the practice of dating the inscriptions was introduced in epitaphs.

      The Roman Army as a Factor of Romanisation in the North- Eastern Part of Moesia Inferior

       Liviu Petculescu

      From antiquity, the territory between the Danube and the Black Sea known today as Dobrudja represented a geopolitical unity. Reflecting this fact, at the beginning of the Late Empire the Romans organized a province, Scythia Minor, whose borders almost correspond with those of Dobrudja. In the present study I will leave aside the southern extremity of Dobrudja and deal only with the main part of the region, the 15,485 sq km lying within the modern state of Romania.

      The Roman army entered Scythia Minor for the first time as early as 72-71 BC, during the war against Mithridates when M. Terentius Varro Lucullus, proconsul of Macedonia, conquered the Greek towns of the coast.1 Yet, ten years later, the army of another governor of Macedonia, C. Antonius Hybrida, was destroyed by mutinous allies near Histria and the Roman control of the region was lost for about three decades. Not until the end of the civil wars did Rome have another army available to fight in this remote area. In 29-28 BC, M. Licinius Crassus, the Macedonian governor of the time, campaigned successfully in Dobrudja but the Romans annexed only the Greek towns of Histria, Tomis and Callatis, giving the rest of the country to the Thracian client kingdom. However, the praefectus in charge of the Greek cities also kept a military control of the Danube line.

      When Claudius suppressed the Thracian state in AD 46, its part south of the Balkan mountains was organized into the province of Thracia, while the territory between the Balkans and the Danube was added to the province of Moesia but does not seem to have been garrisoned permanently for nearly a quarter of a century.2 Anyway, only after the reorganization of the Moesian limes by Vespasian – implying also the establishment of the classis Flavia Moesica – are the first Roman auxiliary military units stationed in Dobrudja attested.3 Even later, after the division of Moesia and creation of the two new provinces of Moesia Superior and Moesia Inferior by Domitian, and the occupation of Dacia by Trajan following the ardous wars of AD 101-102 and 105-106, the limes on the Lower Danube acquired its definite shape which remained basically unaltered until the end of the Principate. Thus the Danubian frontier between Viminacium and Novae, heavily manned to resist the Dacian attacks,

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