focuses on the Catalan activist network la Alianza Contra la Pobreza Energética (the Alliance Against Energy Poverty, APE). He demonstrates that APE’s feminist urban praxis is ‘premised upon the creation of more caring and collectivized modalities of social reproduction’ for those who do not have access to vital infrastructures, such as gas, electricity, and water, for their survival. Angel’s analysis illuminates how social reproductive labour and people as infrastructure become intimately entangled during the processes of reproducing the urban and life within it, thereby providing us with the ethnographic details of a social ontology of the urban in Catalonia.
Tom Gillespie and Kate Hardy contribution (Chapter 11) also draws upon Ruddick et al.’s conceptualization of the social ontology of the urban. Operating within a framework of feminist comparative urbanism, Gillespie and Hardy discuss two urban social movements: The Asociación de Mujeres Meretrices de Argentina (AMMAR), a sex workers’ union in Córdoba, Argentina, and Focus E15, a housing campaign in London, UK. Focusing on how these all-women or women-led grassroots activist organizations both reproduce the urban and their own subjectivities within the process, Gillespie and Hardy’s comparative methodology is hinged upon what Ruddick et al. call ‘infrastructures of social reproduction’ (Ruddick et al. 2018, p. 396). Gillespie and Hardy employ ethnographic detail to analyse these movements’ struggles over the infrastructures of social reproduction – of health, education, and housing – and show how they employ various tactics, such as ‘demand[ing] access to existing infrastructures, creating autonomous infrastructures, and co-producing new infrastructures with the state’ (Gillespie and Hardy, Chapter 11). Their chapter not only highlights urbanization as ‘an open process determined through praxis, by actual people making the world they inhabit’ (Ruddick et al. 2018, p. 399) but also signals the importance of historical difference in the constitution of the urban and to the fact that despite the seeming universality of social reproduction and its infrastructures they are always marked by this difference.
Meera Karunananthan (Chapter 7) also focuses on struggles over the infrastructures of social reproduction, through an account of the feminist network Solidaritas Perempuan’s campaign for the right to water in Jakarta, Indonesia. Through an intersectional feminist approach, Karunananthan examines the ways in which human rights discourse might be employed to make visible urban poor women’s social reproductive struggle with privatized drinking water systems. Moreover, Karunananthan elaborates on how the right to water activism might help to recast the Trotskyite transitional programme in a feminist manner to recuperate subaltern women’s revolutionary subjectivity and expertise, which, she argues, is often unnoticed by the male leadership in established leftist groups. Karunananthan demonstrates that through the demands of collectivizing social reproduction in relation to urban water infrastructures, feminist activists of Solidaritas Perempuan Jakarta (SPJ) give priority to use-value production at the expense of exchange-value production, thereby reversing transnational capitalist logic and exposing its gendered violence at the urban, household, and bodily scales. For her, the sites of social reproduction and social reproductive labour are crucial in defeating capitalism in cities of the global South, and a social imaginary of a ‘just city’ becomes tenable with the reclamation of ‘the labour power of women whose unpaid work has served to subsidize’ postcolonial capitalism.
Subjectivities
In Ruddick et al. (2018), we approached theories of the urban through a primary focus on social ontology, aiming not simply to situate the subject as an intellectual problem – ‘who acts’ – but to centralize processes of subjectivation. In this volume the authors track the empirical folding and unfolding of subject formation in ways that show the subject is not a mere artefact which can later be ‘situated’ within more or less determined processes of urbanization. As ‘the sedimented outcome of material social practice’ (Mitchell, Marston, and Katz 2004, p. 10), subjects are not only constituted relationally, but also by their physical environments which play a role in constituting intersubjective encounters. Beyond urban form, Hoffman’s (2014) research on how the politics of urban governance in Chinese cities leads to the normalization of the self as cosmopolitan – however incomplete – further evidences how subjectivities are shaped through urbanization, producing subjectivities that are not only in but also of the urban. She shows how urban politics is located in the constitution of new categories of subjects in Chinese cities giving rise to new modes of self-governance such as self-enterprise, volunteerism, and charitable giving. In the Chinese context, ‘This has produced particular kinds of cities (entrepreneurial, financially “efficient”) emerging in tandem with particular kinds of subjects (professionals and volunteers)’ (Hoffman 2014, p. 1583).
The formation of the self leads to a range of political possibilities – some collectively revolutionary, others highly individualistic. The contributors in this volume are not searching for a new or singular revolutionary subject, one which will indicate the exit, complete or otherwise, from any capitalist mode of production. Neither do they tend to an over-presence of the urban subject as a replacement for the industrial worker as the collective agent of revolution. As Mantha Katsikana describes in Chapter 4, the barriers to the construction of an anarchist and anti-authoritarian commons in Athens, many revolutionary movements continue to emphasize ‘the accumulation and display of male power’ as opposed to the ‘affective and connective labour practices’ needed for the ‘social and emotional change necessary to build and reproduce durable relationships’. Katsikana’s work speaks to the need to demasculinize radical and revolutionary subjectivities in order to better understand and appreciate how the ‘emotional needs and manual tasks necessary for the everyday context of collective actions’ are undertaken primarily by women in these movements (as well as the broader context in which many contemporary transformative movements are led by queer women and women of colour). Her work points to the collective renegotiations necessary to enable the malleability of subjectivity as a relational form of collective self-understanding. Katsikana’s study is a welcome antidote to the now well-travelled theories of revolutionary urbanization and revolutionary subjectivity within urban studies that have overlooked the role of social reproduction and the fabric and texture of everyday life in promulgating transformations. Seeing greater potential for an engagement with gendered subjectivities in the shift from the factory as the heart of revolutionary struggle, feminist scholars have argued that struggles are not just about belonging in the city but also about how the city belongs to those whose invisibilized and unpaid labour maintains the urban (Buckley and Strauss 2016). We also see this engagement in Karunananthan’s work with SPJ, which ‘calls for Marxist debates regarding revolutionary praxis to be re-examined in light of both the constraints faced by women living in the margins of cities of the global South as well as their aspirations.’
What is evident from the research reported in these chapters is that for increasing numbers of people their own social reproduction is increasingly precarious and provisional, falling outside of and challenging the norms of a neo-liberal political subjectivity. Precarity, generally, speaks to the disintegration of stable societal bonds, social protections, and senses of entitlement and belonging, creating lives structured by insecurity, eroding the possibility of life itself (Puar 2012). Precarity is not born of the economic project of neoliberalism, but is a signifying characteristic of it. With increasing inequality, the reorganization of economic and social relations in the context of the hollowing out of social and political institutions, and in the absence of infrastructures (Butler 2012), we can think of the governance of precarity as designating not only working and living conditions but also subjectivities and embodiment, and therefore agency. And as such, as Lauren Berlant (2011) notes, precarity is also a structure of affect internally inculcated into subjectivity via anxiety as the dominant lived experience of insecurity. From the point of view of organizing the everyday, the increasing inability to replenish the self, materially and mentally, has had enormously deleterious effects. Decades of neoliberal scouring out of the social and the permeation of the values and organizing principles of finance capital into society more broadly are leading to new forms
