male youth, the essence of rites of passage was introducing them to appropriate male conduct, roles, and solidarity—guiding them in the process of advancement toward healthy manhood, from birth to ancestorhood and rebirth. During these elaborate rituals and rites, young men were taught the cultures of their ethnic group, the village’s history, and the critical roles of God and their ancestors (White & Cones, 1999). They were also taught more specific and practical knowledge such as how to be good fathers and husbands, and survival skills such as hunting, farming, and self-defense (White & Cones, 1999).
Naming
Occurring shortly after the birth of children, naming ceremonies were among the earliest of several rituals many African societies created to guide the transition of a person through the cycle of life. Among the Yoruba, the Edo, the Ewe, and the Akan, a child was typically named seven to nine days after birth because this is the period of time necessary for the child to transition from the spirit world to that of the living. Other ethnic groups, like the Akamba, would name their children 3 days after birth (Mazama, 2009c), and the Igbo, 8–12 days after (Falola, 2000).
Chosen for many different reasons, names can be more than a label, reflecting meaning, power, and/or source. For example, Zulu names can be chosen for reasons including: temporal factors (when the child was born); the structure of the family (sex of the child, and the number and spacing of the family’s children); the perceived role of God or the ancestors in the birth; the state of mind of the parents (their feelings about the child); the circumstances of the birth (condition of the family at the time of the birth); personality characteristics; and references to the family-line (references to the ancestors or the lineage the child belongs to) (Koopman, 1999). Naming can represent an essential part of one’s spiritual anatomy (Adogame, 2009b). Names can be a reflection of the child’s identity, but they are sometimes believed to have an influence on a child’s destiny. Among the Yoruba, a child born outside of Yorubaland is often called Tokunbo, meaning coming from across the seas (Adogame, 2009b). But, the Yoruba also believe that names affect behavior, guiding a child’s tendencies and preferences (Adogame, 2009b). Akan infants experience a ritual called din to in which a child is introduced to the community and given name. The first name, the kra den, is the child’s soul name, reflecting the day of the week the child was born on and the divinity governing that day. The Akan believe a person is influenced by the qualities and characteristics of the divinities or abosom that govern their day of birth. Akan children also receive an agyadin, the name chosen by the child’s father or parents (Adogame, 2009b). The names that children receive often link them to their ancestry. For example, some African names are like short stories or praise poems such as the Yoruba oriki, the Zulu izithakazelo, or the Xhosa iziduko. These family praise names, announced at naming rituals, link children to their ancestors. In addition to given personal names, family praise names consist of a string of the names of selected ancestors and their accomplishments or things they were known for. Naming rituals allow families to shape children’s identities long before they become consciously aware of it (Black, 1997).
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In these naming rituals and initiation rituals, infant males are celebrated, named, and/or introduced to their communities, the supreme being, the ancestors, and deities. Although the infant is not fully conscious of the ceremony, it is believed that his spirit is (Black, 1997). Among the Ga, a child is officially named eight days after being born at a public ceremony called kpodsiemo (Quartey-Papafio, 1914). Before this day, the child is considered to be a non-person, without a complete identity. The community and family members attend the ceremony, bringing with them gifts for the child and family (Abarry, 1997). In this ceremony, libations (usually an alcohol-containing beverage) are poured to the ground to invite the presence of the family’s ancestors who are believed to be responsible for human fertility. An entire ritual drama is acted out. Abarry (1997, p. 372) explains one point during the ritual involving a symbolic demonstration of the ethical behavior expected from a Ga:
The infant is admonished to maintain the cherished values of Ga culture as the gathering chants back the response formula Yao:
You see, you haven’t seen
You hear, you haven’t heard
Don’t lie, don’t steal
Father is father Mother is mother.
After this episode, the infant is touched gently by the godperson, first with the left foot as he or she simultaneously utters the words Mitswa bo nane (I strike you with my foot). This act is repeated with the right foot but with different words Ko mi nane (Take my foot). Taken together, these expressions and the godparent’s physical action are meant to impress the child with the former’s character. Hence he or she is admonished to “take my foot,” follow in the footsteps of, and become like, the godperson. The latter may pick up the child again, and make remarks about the positive and some weak aspects of his or her own character. The child is, however, advised to choose only the good and improve on the weaknesses in the godperson’s personality. After this physical and symbolic introduction of the Ga universe-sky, air, earth, and water and ancestral virtues to the infant, the latter is returned to a private room where he or she is dressed in white and kept for the remaining period of the ceremony.
At the end of the ritual, the family and community in attendance take a drink of gbee woo daa, the name sealing drink (Abarry, 1997). After the child’s name is announced, the community says the name—a symbolic form of accepting responsibility for that child’s well-being in the presence of one another and their ancestors.
Manhood Rites
In some ethnic groups, boys experience rites of passage as early as ages four through seven (Black, 1997). Initiation at this age usually consists of removing boys from the immediate community to be guided by older and elder males through a series of collective educational tasks. The tasks often teach discipline, how to be courageous and deal with fear, how to bond with other males, and the importance of listening to and obeying elders. The tasks also teach older males to take responsibility for their younger peers (Mazama, 2009c).
The puberty/manhood rite of passage, typically occurring between the ages of 9 and 14, is a highly structured and elaborate process that involved the child-self dying to be reborn as adult. This death and rebirth is in part characterized by their possession of greater knowledge and wisdom (Mazama, 2009c). A great deal of variation exists in the structure of rites of passage across ethnicity and geography in Africa. However, Mazama (2009c) identifies a general pattern which includes separation, testing/teaching, and reincorporation into the community. Fathers of the village typically make arrangements and ←xxvii | xxviii→lead the initiation process of males. Adolescents are first separated from the community and secluded in a remote location. In some cases, a structure is built specifically for the ritual. For example, the initiation of Fulani boys takes place under a tree known as the Mamahi (great-mother tree) (Notes and News, 1938). Each day, food is offered to the spirit of the tree (smeared on its trunk), the essence of the food is consumed by the spirit and the energy from it is used by the tree to watch over the boys as they sleep. Shujaa (2009) explains that this time in seclusion is symbolic of the life cycle. Being secluded in a sacred place after a period of childhood and before rebirth as adults is similar to being in the spirit world after death and before rebirth (Shujaa, 2009).
Testing and Teaching
Initiates undergo a series of tests and teaching from their elders during which they are expected to demonstrate physical endurance, mental strength, and intelligence (Mazama, 2009c). If it has not been done at an earlier ritual before puberty, males may undergo circumcision during the rites of passage. Circumcision symbolically represents a cleansing sacrifice to the ancestors, the establishment of brotherhood bonds, and an early step in the process of manhood (Black, 1997; Houessou-Adin, 2009). A practice traced back to ancient Kemet (Egypt), circumcision is thought to help sort the male population into age grades
