these age grades, or groups of initiated boys from different families, experience instruction on the histories, cultures, and responsibilities of their ethnic groups (Collins & Burns, 2007). They usually maintain a lifelong bond throughout many life stages, from being young leaders to warriors, to married men, to elders, and finally as ancestors. The removal of flesh in circumcision is also seen as establishing the dominance of a single sex (male/female) in initiates. Other reasons given for the practice of circumcision are to maintain sexual cleanliness and hygiene, and as a mark of strength and leadership (in addition a symbolic representation of a transition from boyhood to manhood) (Houessou-Adin, 2009). When boys experience circumcision, they are expected to show only minimal pain or discomfort, as too much expressing of pain brings about shame and dishonor. Circumcision is now increasingly regarded as genital mutilation, especially in regard to females and the practice of female genital cutting. However, circumcision was not the only test during manhood rites.
Bravery, courage, and fortitude were important parts of manhood rituals. However, during the period of testing and teaching, initiates experiences varied across different ethnic groups. Boys were challenged and tested in many ways. Luimbi boys were made to lie next to the hot flames of a fire without wincing, jump through the flames, walk over hot coals, sleep coverless through the cold nights of the Angola highlands, capture birds and other bush animals, and retrieve objects thrown into deep cold pools of water (Tucker, 1949). In the Maasi Eunoto manhood ritual, initiates were expected to watch cattle, kill cattle, learn how to properly divide meat, and kill a lion with their bare hands (Mazama, 2009c). Boys were taught discipline, emotional stability, and perseverance sometimes through learning the skills of hunting, wrestling, or knowledge of the poisonous and healing properties of different plants (Black, 1997). Initiates were also taught how to maintain a healthy marriage, sex life, procreation, and family life (Mazama, 2009c). This is important given that this rite of passage is in part meant to prepare initiates for their new right and responsibility to marry. As a part of their initiation teaching, for example, Fulani boys were taught how to treat women (Notes and News, 1938). In the initiation camps of Luimbi boys, they were taught a full range of traditional songs, including wedding songs, hunting songs, play songs, dance songs, and funeral songs (Tucker, 1949).
Boys were taught to internalize cultural knowledge and wisdom. Among many ethnic groups, boys were taught to memorize and recite their family histories and lineages. Luimbi boys were taught to memorize the wise proverbs of their ethnic group (Tucker, 1949). There is often an artistic component to many African manhood rites as well. Most African manhood rites for which we have historical ←xxviii | xxix→accounts describe boys engaging in traditional dancing at some point in the process (Black, 1997). In Nigeria, some ethnic groups require initiates to write, direct and perform plays that demonstrate cultural knowledge, create masks, and perform traditional dances (Black, 1997). Manhood rite initiates were also taught to have an appropriate level of reverence for the ancestors. The Yungur people of Nigeria believed that dance during initiation brought them closer to the wisdom and strength of their elders and ancestors. Fulani boys made ocarina type instruments from clay and played songs (Notes and News, 1938). In different African societies, songs were used as a teaching and bonding instrument. Ngulu boys were taught various songs and riddles that provided them with traditional knowledge about sexual relationships (i.e., appropriate sexual behavior and rules against incest), gender identity, and other traditional values (Beidelman, 1965). Boys were also taught to understand and internalize traditional values such as collectivism and good character. For example, the Ashanti told initiates traditional proverbs, such as, if two selfish young men sit next to a pot of water, the water spills out on the ground and a man who moves about alone is met on the road and seized as a slave (Black, 1997).
Reincorporation into the Community
The moment when initiates leave seclusion and are reincorporated into the community marks their rebirth (Mazama, 2009c). Before reentry, they are sometimes shaved of head hair, their old clothes may be thrown away, their faces may be traditionally painted, and they may receive new names, all indicating a new maturation. In preparation for return, Fulani boys were washed, had their heads shaved and nails cut, given new pants, gown, cap, and shoes, and a horse on which to ride back to the village (Notes and News, 1938). In some cases, they received some form of scarification or tattooing during initiation. Scarifying is the practice of cutting, burning, and/or inserting or rubbing substances under the skin to form cultural symbols. Scarification as practiced in Africa symbolized cultural belongingness, social roles, spiritual beliefs, and beauty (Nevadomsky & Aisien, 1995). Scarification was unique for males and females. While female scarification often was practiced on their breasts or sometimes entire torsos, male scarification tended to be located on the face, arms, and shoulders to symbolize strength and virility. Upon return, there is generally a family and community celebration which includes dancing, feasting, and singing—encouraging the new men’s reincorporation and new identities. Among the Fulani, the people of the village sang songs in honor of the new men, and their fathers slaughtered a bull from their herd (Notes and News, 1938). As adults, they could take on new responsibilities such as marriage, procreating, and initiation into new specialized socio-religious organizations (Mazama, 2009c).
Castes/Societies of Secrets
Children were not the only ones to experience rites of passage; understanding human beingness as a process means that rites of passage were continuous (Imhotep, 2009). Mental and spiritual development could always reach higher levels (Hilliard, 1997). Adults were initiated into what are known as societies of secrets which maintained the harmonious functioning of society by providing training in specialized services (Imhotep, 2009). These societies maintained and advanced specific ancient cultural and technical knowledge and traditions. Because it was sometimes abused, the sacred knowledge received had to be kept confidential so that it stayed in the hands of those who were trained to use it responsibly and efficiently (Imhotep). Individuals initiated into these societies were trained to use special skills to improve different aspects of life on earth (Imhotep). The special skills involved the use of symbols and signs that only the initiated could interpret (Falola, 2000). Initiation into these societies generally followed the same format of separation, testing/teaching, and reincorporation described earlier.
Successful initiates joined these non-hierarchical professional castes, often associated with professions that were vital to the community such as iron smelters/blacksmiths, stonemasons, ←xxix | xxx→woodcarvers, engineers, farmers, warriors, sages, herbalists, and diviners (Imhotep, 2009; Williams, 1987a). Successfully undergoing a series of difficult initiation processes allowed individuals to enter and advance to higher ranks within these associations (Müller & Ritz-Müller, 2000). Although some societies were ethnically based, others drew membership across ethnic groups, generations, and geographical locations, such as the Poro society of Liberia, Guinea, and the Ivory Coast (Falola, 2000). Both men and women were members of complementary societies of secrets (Khapoya, 1998). However, there were gender differences. For example, men were more likely to be a part of societies that served judicial functions, such as settling disputes and issuing sanctions for the violation of social rules.
Husbandhood
Husbandhood was a commonly held societal expectation for a young man in the context of the larger community. Marriage was understood to be a collective affair, involving more than a man and a woman (Mazama, 2009b), and including extended families and ancestors. Entering marriage was a step that also increased the social and economic status of men. Among some ethnic groups, a unmarried man could not make any major decisions without consulting his father (Black, 1997). As a husband, a male had to demonstrate his economic resourcefulness and good moral character. This was in part demonstrated by consultation between the families of the bride and groom about potential husbands’ characters. In addition, the groom, with the help of his family, had to pay a bridewealth to the family of the bride. This payment represented many things, including compensation for the loss of the bride’s family’s daughter and her production, evidence that the bride would be treated well, and a reflection of the honor, beauty, and righteousness of the bride (Ahanotu, 2000). Therefore, if a wife reported abuse, the husband and his family could face social scorn, corporal punishment
