meet the mayor to discuss the possibility of a Greek consul being set up in the city, the foundation of a “Greek Academy,” and further cultural and financial exchanges between Athens and Reggio Calabria. The politician would be entertained with a “Grecanico night out” at a local restaurant with traditional music and food.
One day was to be entirely devoted to visiting the area Grecanica and meeting with Grecanici who reside in the villages. This would be followed by a workshop with the numerous mayors from area Grecanica, chaired by Scopelliti, where they would “assess the problems of Hellenism.” The schedule addressed three fundamental aims of the association: to promote lines of communication between Reggio Calabria and Greece, to host the politician and introduce him to the historical sites of Reggio Calabria and Sicily associated with Magna Graecia, and to act as an influential mediator between the Greek nationals of the diaspora, Grecanici, the mayor of Reggio Calabria, and the Greek government.
Unfortunately, after a rather nasty phone call from the secretary of the Greek politician to the president of the Greek association, the visit was canceled. The secretary found the content of the invitation as well as the “language” employed “poor and unacceptable,” It was argued that the tone of the written language was not suitable for such a high member of the party and that the association “should first know who the politician is before they choose to invite them.” Nevertheless, the fascinating convoluted background that resulted in the non-visit far exceeded the “offensive language” of the invitation. For one thing, the mayor of Reggio Calabria was not really keen to invite the Greek politician and continuously postponed setting dates. Let us not forget that the invitation was not from the mayor personally, but delivered through the Greek association. Having spent a considerable amount of time answering questions regarding the nature of the association, it became clear to me that the politician’s office in Athens was not particularly happy that the invitation did not come directly from the mayor. They were also under the impression it came from a Grecanico association, not an association comprised mainly of Greek nationals of the diaspora. When this was clarified, it was evident they were disappointed and would rather have visited a Grecanico association. Despite that, the Greek association was asked to provide a short paragraph regarding its profile, scope, and initiatives. After all this, it was insinuated by the politician’s office that “they would obviously have to decide on the visit at the last moment.”
Decisive to the non-visit was the inability of the Greek ambassador to Italy to be present in Reggio Calabria. It was rumored that the ambassador wanted to avoid implicating himself in the conflict between Greek and Grecanico associations. Very disappointed, the president and board of the Greek association searched for possible reasons behind this rejection. They began questioning their own political position as Greeks of the diaspora as meriting equal attention as the Grecanici minority. Are the Greeks of the diaspora not as culturally worthy as the Grecanici? If not, what action should they take to alleviate this lack of worth? Sadly they came to realize that their failure to entice the Greek politician was the outcome of their failure to tap into Grecanico culture in a more systematic and creative manner. Finally, it became clear to the Greek association that the link with the Grecanici needed to be packaged on different terms, resulting in a change in governance for the association. This governance would involve creative tailoring of the scope and profile of the Greek association as directly related to the Grecanici, an “authentically traditional culture.”
A Paradox
In the initial stages of my fieldwork I worked closely with the Greek associations that acted in Reggio Calabria. Representing the Greeks of the diaspora, these associations mainly comprised of Greek nationals who at some point in their lives moved to Italy. All cultivated close relations with Grecanico associations in financial and cultural collaborations and exhibited a “protective” attitude toward the Grecanici. As we have seen above, the Greek associations are keen on linking themselves with the Grecanici linguistic minority, acknowledging the powerful capital that is invested in Grecanico language and culture. Very often the common thread in these collaborations is “Hellenism” or “Greekness” that are binding concepts through which history, politics, sameness, and difference are easily glossed over through the mists of time.
Through relations with the Greek associations, I was further introduced to a number of religious, philosophical, gastronomic, and card-playing associations in Reggio Calabria. Thus I had the opportunity to participate in administrative meetings, various fiestas, and celebrations that furnished me with data regarding the colorful civic life in Reggio Calabria. In time I managed to gain access to almost all the Grecanico associations based in Reggio Calabria and work closely with their representatives. Generally, presidents and board members were open in talking to me, although in our meetings they usually recited rhetoric regarding language, victimhood, and pessimism about the future of the minority. People also demanded to know with whom I was talking and I was often questioned as to the content of my conversations with other civic representatives. Actors were curious whether they were, or were not, mentioned by other Greeks or Grecanici and, if so, in what terms. Did people speak well of them or not? Parlare bene (speak well) or male (ill, bad) about the other was a confrontational question that highlighted not only the level of connection between people but also an experiential anxiety about reputation where the level of connection was the foundation of and directly informed such anxiety.
At times the pressure to reveal the topic of conversations reached uncomfortable levels (see also Herzfeld 2009a). Actors were never offensive or aggressive but there was a tone of caution regarding my dealings with people of whom others disapproved. Such comments were scaled from a protective “be careful when you speak to this and that person” to a more cautious “you should not speak with this and that person as they are illiterate, corrupt and mafiosi,” That last comment was accompanied with a stern face, upper body leaning toward me, low voice and a direct look as if to communicate something that the anthropologist was not, but should be, informed about.
As Time Goes By: Contextualizing the Grecanico Associations
The development of civic and political associations after the Risorgimento in a united Italy was not a casual event but followed the general revival that the Enlightenment brought to political life among the European elites of the nineteenth century. The Italian associations acted as centers of information and arenas for the exchange of ideas among the elites, inside and outside Italy, without however avoiding localismo (socioeconomic interest related to a locality) and campanilismo (feeling of superiority attached to one’s place of origin), political clientelism and exclusion—especially in cases where membership was determined by birth and status (Caglioti 1996).
During the 1870s and 1880s, growing legal concerns1 and alterations to the voting legislation made the associations more appealing to a wider variety of people. Membership was now offered on terms of political affinity, common economic interests, kinship, and locality (Kertzer 1983). The associations’ interests were broad enough to pursue collaborations with local authorities in return for crucial votes and other favors. Political transactions often coincided with clientelism and kinship (Campbell 1964; Allum 1973:93–107), provoking, in some cases, an associationistic shift from the rural periphery to urban centers (Caglioti 1996:4).
The creation of the first Grecanico association during the 1960s came as a result of the recognition of the problem of minorities on a European level and the “explicit ethnicization2 of policy preceded the significant development of the politics of identity” (Crowley 2001:108). During the 1980s and 1990s Italy experienced a boom in associations which “injected its own dynamics into modern Italian society” (Ginsborg 2001:xi).3 Antonella is a middle-aged woman of Grecanico origin who lives in Reggio Calabria on a part-time basis. She is university educated and used to be an active member of a political party in her village of origin. She is a fluent speaker of the Grecanico language and speaks Modern Greek quite competently. Antonella attributes the love she holds for the Grecanico language to her love for her late grandmother.
As
