in their place of origin that are strong enough, they are more likely to be pulled to the place about which they have positive information.
Figure 3.26.Media and information flows. Images from media, such as Hollywood, influence where people emigrate to. Photo by bannosuke. Stock photo ID: 85556125. Shutterstock.
Once social networks between pioneer migrants and their place of origin take hold, chain migration can begin. Friends, family, and neighbors begin to migrate to where pioneer migrants have established a foothold. Early migrants smooth the process by helping new migrants find work and housing. New migrants then pass information on to their own friends and family back home, further reinforcing and deepening social network connections. As time progresses, chain migration can create substantial migrant enclaves in specific parts of a city or region.
In the case of Long Beach, California, Cambodia Town formed through this process. In 1975, Cambodians fleeing the genocidal Khmer Rouge that had taken control of Cambodia were brought as refugees to Camp Pendleton marine base south of Los Angeles. A small group of about ten Cambodian families that lived in Southern California formed an organization to assist the refugees. The organization was based in Long Beach, and soon Cambodian families began moving into the city for its relatively affordable housing and mild climate that allowed for year-round gardening. This group of Cambodians then began sharing information about the city with Cambodian refugees in other parts of the US and abroad. These informational flows were more powerful than the US Office of Refugee Settlement, which tried to disperse Cambodian refugees in smaller clusters around the US. As word spread about the benefits of living in Long Beach and the presence of a growing Cambodian cluster, more Cambodians migrated to the city. Long Beach now has an officially designated Cambodia Town, with a thriving community of stores and services that serve the Cambodian population. Immigrant communities throughout the US and around the world form in a similar way, as a small group of pioneer migrants share information and assist the next wave of migrants, ultimately forming strong migration chains between two specific places.
Through cumulative causation, migration flows increase in strength over time. This is the process whereby migration becomes self-sustaining from ongoing positive feedback between immigrants and their place of origin. Early migrants transform places, making them more inviting for new immigrants as businesses open that cater to them and social networks for jobs and housing develop. At the same time, remittances sent to family in the place of origin provide financial resources for more people to emigrate. At a certain point, emigration can become the cultural norm, where all of those who are capable are expected to migrate.
Social and media networks have only become stronger in recent decades. For much of human history, information flows between places were slow, traveling by word of mouth or by handwritten letters. With the invention of the telegraph and later the telephone, information could travel more quickly, but costs and accessibility to these technologies were limited. In recent years, however, communication technology has reached the point that costs have fallen dramatically and accessibility has increased. Low-cost cell phones and internet cafés around the world link people in ways that were never before possible. Migrants can maintain contact with friends and family on a regular basis and share information about job opportunities and quality of life in their new home at limited costs.
Go to ArcGIS Online to complete exercise 3.3: “Refugees.”
Characteristics of migrants
Rubenstein’s pioneering work on migration in the 1800s included the observation that females migrate more than males. While that was true for Great Britain in the nineteenth century, it is not a fixed rule that applies to all times and places. Nevertheless, Rubenstein was correct in that the demographic profile of migrants is not representative of their place of origin. Except in the case of forced migration, where entire populations are forced to move, the characteristics of migrants will differ from the general population they come from in terms of age, sex, education, skills, marital status, and housing situation. This migrant selectivity reflects the fact that migrants are not randomly selected from their place of origin. Rather, certain subgroups are more likely than others to migrate.
There are few fixed patterns in the characteristics of migrants, except for age. People in their late teens through mid-30s are disproportionately likely to migrate (figure 3.27). There are many reasons why young people are more likely to move. They are at an age for seeking new job or educational opportunities, they may marry and follow a spouse’s opportunities, they are less likely to be tied to a home mortgage, they are in better physical condition, and they often have a more adventurous mindset.
Looking at global migrant stock, 72 percent are age 20 to 64, whereas only 58 percent of the total world population falls within this age range. This reflects young adults who migrate and stay abroad during their working years. Upon retirement, some return to their place of origin.
Other than age, the characteristics of migrants can vary based on the place of origin and place of destination. While the sex ratio of migrants to the US is relatively even, in other cases the sex ratio of migrants can be highly skewed. Of those seeking asylum in Europe during 2014–15, fully 73 percent were men. Likewise, a disproportionate number of men migrate to the Middle East to work in the oil and construction industries. In 2015, 75 percent or more of immigrants living in the United Arab Emirates, Oman, and Qatar were men (figure 3.28). On the other end of the spectrum, women constitute a larger proportion of immigrants in parts of the former Soviet Union. Women represented close to 60 percent or more of the migrant population in Moldova, Latvia, Estonia, Kyrgyzstan, and Armenia, and Montenegro in 2015. This higher percentage of female immigrants occurred because the region’s growing middle class sought domestic help, such as nannies, nurses, and cleaners.
Figure 3.27.US domestic migration by age, 2014. Young adults migrate much more than other age groups in the US. Data source: US Census.
Figure 3.28.Construction workers in Dubai, United Arab Emirates. Not only does the UAE have many immigrant workers relative to the native population (as discussed in chapter 2), but over 75 percent of them are male. Photo by Draw. Stock photo ID: 416791933. Shutterstock.
The education level of migrants also varies from place to place, depending on market needs and government immigration policies. Domestically, those with less than a high school education in the United States between 2010 and 2015 were the least likely to move from state to state. This is likely due to a lack of opportunity for those with limited education. Migrating away from one’s social network of friends and family with limited job prospects means that this group tends to stay close to home.
Foreign immigrants to the United States between 2010 and 2015 differ from the overall US population in terms of education levels. As seen in figure 3.29, a disproportionate number had less than a high school education compared to the entire US population, and a disproportionate number had bachelor’s and graduate degrees. This reflects a demand for low skilled workers in sectors such as agriculture, construction, and domestic work as well as a demand for skilled workers in technology, health care, and other knowledge-based industries. The distribution of education varies by place of origin, with about 52 percent of recent Mexican immigrants to the United States in 2013 having less than a high school education and over 57 percent of Asians and 61 percent of Europeans having at least a bachelor’s degree.
Figure 3.29.Education levels for the US population and foreign-born immigrants. Immigrants are found disproportionately
