“The Organisation and Structure of Textile Production in India,” 57.
151
Rose, The Gregs of Quarry Bank Mill, 39–40; Chapman, The Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution, 29; William Emerson to McConnel & Kennedy, Belfast, December 8, 1795, in John R. Rylands Library, Manchester.
152
Chapman, The Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution, 29, 32; Howe, The Cotton Masters, 9, 11–12.
153
A. C. Howe, “Oldknow, Samuel (1756–1828),” in C. G. Matthew and Brian Harrison, eds., Oxford Dictionary ofNational Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004); George Unwin, Samuel Oldknow and the Arkwrights: The Industrial Revolution at Stockport and Marple (New York: A. M. Kelley, 1968), 2, 6, 45, 107, 123, 127, 135, 140.
154
Chapman, The Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution, 31, 37–41; Howe, The Cotton Masters, 24, 27; M.J. Daunton, Progress and Poverty: An Economic and Social History of Britain, 1700–1850 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 199; Dobb, Studies in the Development of Capitalism, 268.
155
Partnership Agreement Between Benjamin Sanford, William Sanford, John Kennedy, and James McConnel, 1791: 1/2; Personal Ledger, 1795–1801: 3/1/1, Papers of McConnel & Kennedy, John R. Rylands Library, Manchester.
156
N. F. R. Crafts, British Economic Growth During the Industrial Revolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), 22; Bohnsack, Spinnen und Weben, 26; Allen, The British Industrial Revolution, 182; Аллен, Британская промышленная революция, 266; Howe, The Cotton Masters, 1, 51.
157
Fernand Braudel, Afterthoughts on Material Civilization and Capitalism (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1977), 109.
158
Beverly Lemire, Fashion’s Favourite: The Cotton Trade and the Consumer in Britain, 1660–1800 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991).
159
Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain, 335; R. C. Allen and J. L. Weisdorf, “Was There an ‘Industrious Revolution’ Before the Industrial Revolution? An Empirical Exercise for England, c. 1300–1830,” Economic History Review 64, no. 3 (2011): 715–29; P. K. O’Brien and S. L. Engerman, “Exports and the Growth of the British Economy from the Glorious Revolution to the Peace of Amiens,” in Barbara Solow, ed., Slavery and the Rise of the Atlantic System (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 184, 188, 200; Broadberry and Gupta, “Cotton Textiles and the Great Divergence,” 5; Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain, 349–50; Общий обзор см.: Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England, 436, 450; Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution, 49; Хобсбаум, Век революций, 76.
160
O’Brien and Engerman, “Exports and the Growth of the British Economy,” 185; Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain, 349.
161
Debendra Bijoy Mitra, The Cotton Weavers of Bengal, 1757–1833 (Calcutta: Firm KLM Private Ltd., 1978), 25; John Taylor, Account of the District ofDacca by the Commercial Resident Mr. John Taylor in a Letter to the Board of Trade at Calcutta dated 30th November 1800 with P.S. 2 November 1801 and Inclosures, In Reply to a Letter from the Board dated 6th February 1798 transmitting Copy of the 115th Paragraph ofthe General Letter from the Court of Directors dated 9th May 1797 Inviting the Collection ofMaterialsfor the use of the Company’s Historiographer, Oriental and Indian Office Collection, Home Miscellaneous Series, 456, Box F, pp. 111–12, British Library, London; The Principal Heads of the History and Statistics of the Dacca Division (Calcutta: E. M. Lewis, 1868), 129; Shantha Harihara, Cotton Textiles and Corporate Buyers in Cottonopolis: A Study ofPurchases and Prices in Gujarat, 1600–1800 (Delhi: Manak, 2002), 75; “Extracts from the Reports of the Reporter of External Commerce in Bengal; from the year 1795 to the latest Period for which the same can be made up,” in House of Commons Papers, vol. 8 (1812–13), 23. См. также: Konrad Specker, “Madras Handlooms in the Nineteenth Century,” in Roy, ed., Cloth and Commerce, 179; G. A. Prinsep, Remarks on the External Commerce and Exchanges of Bengal (London: Kingsbury, Parbury, and Allen, 1823), 28; “The East-India and China Trade,” Asiatic Journal and Monthly Registerfor British India and Its Dependencies 28, no. 164 (August 1829): 150.
162
O’Brien and Engerman, “Exports and the Growth of the British Economy,” 177–209; Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England, 445, 447–48; Kenneth Pomeranz, The Great Divergence: China, Europe, and the Making of the Modern World Economy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000), 266; Кеннет Померанц, Великое расхождение. Китай, Европа и создание современной мировой экономики (Москва: Издательский дом “Дело” РАНХиГС, 2017), 447; Marion Johnson, “Technology, Competition, and African Crafts,” in Clive Dewey and A. G. Hopkins, eds., The Imperial Impact: Studies in the Economic History ofAfrica and India (London: Athlone Press, 1978), 263.
163
О королевском военном флоте см.: O’Brien and Engerman, “Exports and the Growth of the British Economy,” 189–90. Я согласен здесь с более новой литературой о «великом расхождении», которая акцентирует исключительную важность институтов. Это самым убедительным образом изложено в Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson, Why Nations Fail: The Origins ofPower, Prosperity, and Poverty (New York: Crown Business, 2012); Дарон Аджемоглу и Джеймс А. Робинсон, Почему одни страны богатые, а другие бедные. Происхождение власти, процветания и нищеты (Москва: АСТ, 2016); однако, по мнению Аджемоглу и Робинсона, эти институты оставались несколько аморфными, и их собственные истории (с их корнями в военном капитализме) остаются неопределенными. На важности институтов также настаивает Niall Ferguson, Civilization: The West and the Rest (London: Penguin, 2012) Ниал Фергюсон, Цивилизация.
